楼主:
kwei (光影)
2020-01-03 12:27:51Pope Francis’s Heretical Pasta
教宗方济各的异教意大利面
原文：Foreign Policy
https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/12/24/pope-franciss-heretical-pasta/
译文：观察者
https://www.guancha.cn/GiorgioGhiglione/2020_01_02_530219.shtml
作者：GIORGIO GHIGLIONE
Few things in Italy are more sacred than food. When the pope offered a lunch
to the poor of Rome on Nov. 17, it was the menu, rather than the gesture,
that made headlines. The pontiff, already unpopular on the right, came under
attack from the conservative media because the lasagna his holiness served
for lunch was pork-free. The Vatican had figured out that some of the guests
would be Muslim and provided a halal meal, and the Italian right took this as
a double insult: Not only did Pope Francis show compassion toward immigrants,
but he also did so by butchering the recipe for a standard of Italian cuisine
that traditionally requires a mixture of beef and pork.
在意大利几乎没什么比食物来得更神圣。11月17日，教宗请罗马的穷人吃午餐，这顿午餐
本身没有获得媒体的关注，倒是当天的菜单成了新闻头条。罗马天主教教宗方济各本来就
不受右派待见，所以当这位教宗陛下请客人吃的千层面里不含猪肉时，他遭到了保守派媒
体的抨击。因为梵蒂冈教廷注意到前来作客的部分穷人是穆斯林，所以才提供了清真餐，
但意大利右翼人士认为这是一种双重侮辱：教宗方济各不仅对移民表现出同情，而且还通
过篡改意大利菜的传统食谱（一般来说，千层面要用牛肉和猪肉混合）来讨好穆斯林。
In a recent TV appearance, the leader of the far-right League party, Matteo
Salvini, bashed the European Union because an EU directive requiring the
traceability of food makes life harder for Italian nonnas who sell homemade
pasta in the southern city of Bari. “If you come to Bari and you don’t like
St. Nicholas and focaccia, go back to your country,” he said, referring to
the city’s patron saint and to one of its culinary specialties. No one had
raised an issue with focaccia, but Salvini’s defense was preemptive, to make
it clear that “we do not need to change our traditions.”
极右翼联盟党领导人马特奥‧萨尔维尼最近一次在电视上露面时，猛烈抨击了欧盟，因为
欧盟一项要求食品可追溯性的指令使得在南部城市巴里出售自制意大利面食的意大利非本
国人的生活更加艰难。这位领导人说："如果你来到巴里，你不喜欢圣尼古拉斯和福卡夏
面包，那就回你的国家去"。他提到的分别是这个城市的守护神和一种特色食品。根本没
人用福卡夏面包挑起是非，但萨尔维尼先发制人，就是想声明：“我们不需要改变我们的
传统。”
In Italy, food has become the epicenter of a culture war waged by right-wing
parties and their media allies against multiculturalism and European
bureaucrats. To the right, traditional cuisine has become not only a source
of national pride but also a signifier of national identity, which they
believe to be threatened by multiculturalism and political correctness.
在意大利，食品已成为右翼政党及其媒体界盟友对多元文化和欧洲官僚发动的文化战争的
中心。右派认为，传统美食不仅是民族自豪感的源泉，而且是民族认同的象征。他们认为
，民族认同受到多元文化和政治正确的威胁。
They vow to defend lasagna and tortellini—whose original recipes require a
mixture of pork and beef and a mixture of pork and prosciutto, respectively—
for the same reason they defend Christmas nativity scenes and crosses in
public schools: to exclude Italy’s Muslim residents, whose religious
practice includes avoiding pork, from Italian culture. (Jews, whose religion
also prohibits eating pork, are just not part of the equation in his rhetoric
—there are not many Jews in Italy, not all of them keep kosher, and those
who do rarely attend public schools, so it’s unusual for a Jewish Italian to
protest that pork is served in cafeterias.)
他们发誓要捍卫意大利千层面和意大利饺子——原本的食谱需要猪肉和牛肉的混合物以及
猪肉和意式熏火腿的混合物——他们坚持在公立学校须设有耶稣诞生的画面和十字架，也
是出于同样的原因：把这些宗教习俗里包括不吃猪肉的意大利穆斯林排除在意大利文化之
外（犹太人的宗教信仰也禁止吃猪肉，但在他的言辞中，犹太人并未被过多提及。在义大
利的犹太人并不多，他们也不全是吃洁食，吃洁食的那些人也很少会读公立学校。所以一
个意大利犹太人抗议食堂供应猪肉是很少见的）。
After the pope served pork-free lasagna, a prominent conservative Catholic
author Antonio Socci wrote an opinion piece in Libero, a right-wing
newspaper, accusing Francis of having subscribed to “a suicidal,
multiculturalist ideology that leads to the rejection of all that is
Christian or Western.” Pork-based lasagna, argued Socci, is a backbone of “
Italian civilization, like wine and Parmesan cheese.”
在教宗提供了不含猪肉的千层面后，著名保守派天主教作家安东尼奥‧索奇在右翼报纸《
自由报》上发表了评论文章，指责方济各追随“一种自杀性的、多元文化主义的意识形态
，导致关于基督教或西方的一切都被全盘否定”。索奇认为，猪肉做的千层面是“意大利
文明的支柱，如同葡萄酒和帕尔马干酪”。
The pope’s lasagna controversy wasn’t an isolated incident. When the
archbishop of Bologna, Matteo Zuppi, hosted a dinner for the poor in October,
on the day of city’s patron saint, he came under fire for a similar reason.
The Archbishop served tortellini, the famous ring-shaped stuffed pasta
traditionally filled with prosciutto or pork chops. But to make them
palatable to Muslim guests, Zuppi ordered that some of them be stuffed with
chicken instead. The choice enraged Salvini, who accused the archbishop of “
erasing Italy’s history.”
教宗引发的千层面争议并非孤立事件。博洛尼亚总主教马蒂奥‧祖皮今年10月在城市守护
神节当天为穷人举办晚宴时，他也因为同样的原因遭到了攻击。总主教用著名的意大利饺
子招待了大家。根据传统食谱，馅是火腿或猪排，但为了让穆斯林客人喜欢，祖皮下令部
分饺子的馅用鸡肉替代。这一选择激怒了萨尔维尼，他指责总主教是在“抹煞意大利历史
”。
Among those outraged by the chicken tortellini is Andrea Indini, an editor
for the conservative newspaper Il Giornale,who wrote an article “In Defense
of Tortellini (and of Tradition).” In an interview, Indini said that
deviating from the traditional recipe of tortellini is dangerous because “it
could result in distorting our society, even more than globalization is
already doing.” He particularly objected to the fact that the original
recipe was changed to suit a different culture: “The idea to change
tortellini not to bother Muslims is like a provocation,” Indini said. “
Tradition is important, and it starts from little things.”
在那些被鸡肉馅饺子激怒的人里，有保守派报纸《意大利日报》的编辑安德烈‧因迪尼，
他写了一篇文章《意大利饺子（及传统）保卫战》。在一次采访中，因迪尼说篡改饺子的
传统食谱极其危险。因为“它可能导致我们的社会扭曲，甚至比全球化正带来的危险更大
”。他特别反对为了迎合另一种不同文化而去改变本文化里饮食配方。因迪尼说：“为了
不冒犯穆斯林而改变饺子食谱这种主意就像一种挑衅。保护传统很重要，要从小事做起。
”
While the populist right is vowing to defend tradition against immigrant
cultures and globalization pretty much everywhere, there’s something
exquisitely Italian in the focus on food. That can be partially explained by
the fact that food does have a special place in Italian culture: Many
Italians cringe at the idea of Hawaiian pizza, seeing the addition of
pineapple to a pizza as a culinary crime, regardless of their political
orientation, and online you can find several videos of Italian nonnas
expressing their shock on how their cuisine is distorted abroad.
随处可见民粹主义右翼喊着要捍卫传统不受移民文化和全球化影响，意大利也一样，但它
的侧重点尤其放在了美食上。一部分原因是食品在意大利文化中确实占有特殊的地位：许
多意大利人对夏威夷披萨的做法感到惊恐，认为披萨中添加菠萝是一种烹饪犯罪。不管他
们的政治立场如何，你在网上可以看到好几个意大利大妈的视频，表达了她们对本国的美
食在国外被扭曲的震惊。
But Davide Maria De Luca, a political reporter from the online news outlet Il
Post, believes there’s also another explanation: “Italy is a country with a
very low patriotism, so they weaponize the recipe of tortellini or lasagna.”
Likewise, in France, food has been weaponized against Muslim immigrants:
Members of the right-wing politician Marine Le Pen’s party have campaigned
against kebab shops, and the Bloc Identitaire nationalist movement has
organized festivals dedicated to saucisson, a thick French sausage, and red
wine.
但是，新闻网站Il Post的时政新闻记者大卫‧玛丽亚‧德卢卡认为还有另一种解释：“
意大利是一个爱国主义程度很低的国家，所以他们把意大利饺子或千层面食谱武器化。”
在法国，食品也被当作武器来对付穆斯林移民：法国极右翼政党“国民联盟”成员马丽娜
‧勒庞已对土耳其烤肉串店“开火”，而法国极右翼民族主义运动“认同主义者”也组织
了法国腊肠和红酒主题节日。
The right-wing rhetoric of food purism in Italy started in the late 1990s,
coinciding with the first large immigration wave from North Africa and the
rise of the League. At the time, the League was a separatist party based in
the wealthy North (back then, it was called the Northern League), but it also
opposed immigration. Combining these two agendas, the party came up with the
slogan “Yes to polenta, no to couscous.” (Polenta is popular in the
Northern Italian Alps.)
联盟党总部位于富裕的北方（曾被称为“北方联盟”），是分裂主义政党，但也反对移民
。这个党结合了以上两个原则，提出了 “要波伦塔（意式玉米粥），不要古斯古斯米”
的口号（波伦塔在意大利北部阿尔卑斯山区很受欢迎）。
https://i.guancha.cn/news/internet/2019/12/30/20191230160141103.jpg
图：左是波伦塔（polenta），右是古斯古斯米（couscous）
But it was only in recent years that so-called alimentary sovereignty became
a major political topic. In 2017, the right-wing city government of Trieste
banned “ethnic” food from the cafeterias of public schools to “protect our
traditions.” In 2018, Genoa’s conservative mayor banned opening of
international restaurants in some streets of the city center, also in the
name of “European traditions.” A few years earlier, a French mayor, Robert
Menard of Beziers, announced he would block the opening new kebab shops,
because they “have nothing to do with our culture.”
但直到近年来所谓的“食物主权”才成为重大的政治话题。2017年，里雅斯特市右翼政府
以“保护我们的传统”为名禁止公立学校食堂供应“民族”食物。2018年，意大利热那亚
市保守党市长同样以“维护欧洲传统”的名义禁止在市中心一些街道开设国际餐馆。几年
前，法国贝济耶市长罗伯特‧梅纳德宣布，他会禁止再新开张土耳其烤肉店，理由是：它
们“与我们的文化无关”。
Right-leaning politicians are trying hard to look like foodies. The leader of
the post-fascist party Brothers of Italy, Giorgia Meloni, has posted a series
of cooking videos online: Meloni, who has recently surpassed Salvini in
individual popularity, prepares a caprese salad (not a hard task: just layer
mozzarella, tomatoes, basil, and olive oil) while lashing against the EU.
Salvini’s online presence revolves around food as much as it does around
politics: The League leader is constantly posting pictures of his lunch—or
dinner, or afternoon snack—and, when he travels across the country, he makes
sure to include the local delicacies of the region he is visiting.
右倾政客们削尖脑袋让自己看起来像美食家。后法西斯政党意大利兄弟党的党魁乔治亚‧
梅洛尼最近在个人人气上超过了萨尔维尼。梅洛尼在网上发布了一系列烹饪视频，一边痛
骂欧盟，一边在准备意大利卷心菜沙拉（工序也没那么复杂，就是把意大利干酪、番茄、
罗勒和橄榄油一层层铺好）。萨尔维尼在网上露面时，一半聊政治话题，一半聊美食。这
位联盟党领导人还在朋友圈不断发布午餐、晚餐或下午茶零食的照片，而且当他在全国各
地出差时，也不忘晒晒当地的美食。
Despite the Italian right’s emphasis on traditional food as if it were
something unchanged throughout history, and therefore unchangeable, the
household names of Italian cuisine often have a foreign origin or influence.
And their recipes have changed over time.
意大利右翼人士强调保护传统食物，似乎有史以来这些吃的就这样做，所以不能改变。但
意大利的头牌名菜往往源自国外或受过外国影响，它们的食谱也随着时间的推移在变化。
“Everyone thinks that the food they eat is typical of the place where they
live, but most of it came from outside in more or less distant times,” said
Marco Aime, an anthropologist from the University of Genoa. “For example,
spaghetti are of Chinese origin, and tomato was introduced from America.”
意大利热那亚大学的人类学家马可‧艾姆说：“每个人都认为自己所吃的食物是他们生活
所在地的特产，但大多数食物是古代或近代从外国传过来的。例如，意大利面来自中国，
番茄是从美国引进。”
Polenta, so dear to the League, is made from corn, also introduced from the
Americas. Many Sicilian recipes, including pasta con le sarde and couscous
(yes, there’s Sicilian couscous) were introduced by the Arabs during the
Muslim domination of the island in the 9th century. Sorbet, a must in Italian
cuisine, has an Arabic etymology.
联盟党心心唸唸的波兰塔是用玉米做的，也是从美洲引进的。许多西西里菜谱，包括沙丁
鱼意大利面和古斯古斯（是的，西西里岛有古斯古斯）是9世纪穆斯林统治西西里岛时由
阿拉伯人引进的。意大利料理中必不可少的甜品雪芭（Sorbet），这个词在语源学上可以
追溯到阿拉伯。
Massimo Montanari, a food historian at the University of Bologna, said that “
every tradition is temporary and born on the innovation of the past.” For
instance, tortellini were invented in the Middle Ages, and “stuffing them
with chicken or turkey was considered normal until the 19th century.” The
supposed pork-only rule came later (pork was cheaper, and the stuffed pasta
could be made from butchers’ scraps).
博洛尼亚大学的饮食历史学家马西莫‧蒙塔纳里说：“每一个传统都是暂时的，是由基于
过去的创新所孕育的。”比如，意大利饺子是在中世纪发明的。“19世纪以前，用鸡肉或
火鸡肉来做馅料一直被认为是正常操作”，后来才有了所谓的“只用猪肉馅”的规定（其
实是因为猪肉更便宜，而且可以利用肉铺的边角料）。
But although historically inaccurate, the idea that the country’s culinary
tradition is immutable and therefore should be protected from foreign
influence and change has become ingrained in Italy’s right-wing discourse.
When a high school teacher made headlines in November for publicly
threatening to fail some of his students because they participated to an
anti-nationalist protest, the Italian media was quick to point out that the
teacher, Giancarlo Talamini, had a personal website in which he proudly
declared that he was a racist “because I love polenta and tortellini.”
意大利的烹饪传统是不可改变的，应当予以保护从而不受任何外国影响和变革，这种观点
虽然没有历史依据，但已在意大利右翼的话语中根深蒂固。2019年11月，一名中学教师因
为公开威胁要让参加反民族主义示威活动的学生不及格成了头条新闻。意大利媒体很快指
出，这位名叫吉安卡洛‧塔拉米尼的老师有自己的个人网站，他在网站上自豪地宣称自己
是种族主义者，“因为我爱波伦塔和意大利饺子”。
Fabio Parasecoli, a professor of food studies at New York University, calls
it gastropopulismo. Food, he argues, has become a proxy to describe national
identity, and it’s something everyone can relate to. “Food is about what
you are. It’s an easy tool, in the sovereigntist discourse, because it
touches some intimate chords,” Parasecoli said. “Food brings the great
global issues into everyday life.”
纽约大学美食研究教授法比奥‧帕拉塞科利称之为“美食民粹主义”。他认为，食物已成
为民族身份的代名词，可以让每个人都与自身相联系。帕拉塞科利说：“食物与身份认知
相关。在主权主义者的话语里，食物就像一把省力的工具，可以撩拨人内心的琴弦。而且
，食物能把重大的全球性问题牵扯进日常生活。”
Gastropopulism, Parasecoli said, originated from the left, “with movements
like Slow Food and left-wing intellectuals reviving the local food culture
from deindustrialized areas.” Today, this kind of rhetoric is more popular
on the right, but it is still in deindustrialized areas that it enjoys more
popularity. De Luca, the political journalist, noted that culinary nostalgia
has a particularly strong grip in the country’s northeast, a League
stronghold. “The Veneto province, once the economic engine of Italy, now
sees his young people emigrate to Milan or abroad,” he said. In this
climate, food has become a comforting tradition to cling to.
帕拉塞科利说，胃部民粹主义起源于左翼，伴随的是“慢餐运动以及左翼知识分子在去工
业化地区所举行的当地饮食文化复兴运动”。如今，这种言论更受右翼的欢迎，但它在非
工业化地区还是有很高的人气。政治新闻记者德卢卡指出，在饮食上的怀旧情绪似乎牢牢
笼罩着意大利东北部这个联盟党大本营。他说：“威尼托大区一度是意大利的经济引擎，
现在那里的年轻人要不搬到米兰，要不移民国外。在这种环境下，食物已成为大家可以牢
牢不放、聊以慰藉的传统。
But this fetishization of food as tradition raises a question: In a country
like Italy, who gets to decide what’s tradition and what’s not? After all,
in almost 3,000 years of history, the Italian peninsula has experienced a
wide range of influences and invasions. First it was the Phoenicians from the
Levant, then the Romans, bringing culinary influence from all over their vast
empire. After the empire collapsed, Germanic tribes and Arabs took turns
invading different parts of the peninsula, while Austria and Spain colonized
it in more recent times.
但把食物当作传统来盲目崇拜，也带来了一个问题：在意大利这样的国家，谁来决定什么
是传统，什么不是？毕竟，在近3000年的历史中，意大利半岛经历了一系列的侵略，也受
到了广泛的影响。首先是来自黎凡特的腓尼基人，然后是罗马人，同时带来了庞大罗马帝
国的各地饮食影响。罗马帝国灭亡后，日耳曼部落和阿拉伯人轮流入侵半岛的不同地区，
后来还遭到了奥地利和西班牙的殖民统治。
The Arabs introduced couscous and sorbet; the Austrians brought schnitzel,
which in Italy is called cotoletta alla Milanese; the renowned cioccolato di
Modica, a specialty of the Sicilian town of the same name, is a product of
the Spanish domination until Italy was eventually unified, in the late 19th
century, under the rule of a French-speaking king.
阿拉伯人引进了古斯古斯和雪芭冰糕；奥地利人带来了炸肉排（schnitzel），在意大利
被称为米兰炸猪排（cotoletta alla Milanese）；著名西西里岛特产莫迪卡巧克力（
ciocolato di Modica）是西班牙统治时期的产物。话说到了19世纪末，说法语的国王领
导完成了意大利的最终统一。
Seen in this context, culinary tradition is a political construct. It’s “
the invention of tradition,” said Parasecoli, the NYU historian. But,
invented or not, tradition can become a powerful rhetorical weapon: “It
defines your identity, a pillar, a stronghold from which you can kick out
outsiders.”
从这个角度看，美食传统是一种政治建构的产物。纽约大学历史学家帕拉塞科利说，这是
“基于传统的发明”。但无论是否算发明，传统已然成为一种强有力的话语武器：“它能
界定你的身份，是一个支柱，是一座堡垒，你可以从中把外人踢出去。”
Food in particular strikes a chord, because it’s often intertwined in
personal memories, our personal history, and our deepest sense of identity.
The idea that the food that we grew up with could be taken away by the forces
of globalization is a powerful rhetorical asset, even if it’s an inaccurate
one.
食物尤其能引起共鸣，因为它常常交织在个人记忆、个人经历和我们最深刻的认同感中。
伴随我们成长的食物可能会被全球化的浪潮卷走。这种想法是可以利用的话语武器，虽然
它并不准确。