时代论接受的人就是少数？鬼扯！
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→ theologe: 鬼扯，时代论接受的人就是少数。 08/29 22:45
呵呵，不学无术敢污言秽语的骂人家【鬼扯】？哎，不读书，已经很可怜！读错书，更可
怜！
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THE CALVINISTIC HERITAGE OF DISPENSATIONALISM
时代论的加尔文主义背景
THOMAS ICE
Today, systematic Dispensationalism is approaching two hundred years of
expression and development. We live at a time in which Dispensationalism and
some of its ideas have been disseminated and adopted by various theological
traditions. This is not surprising since our day is characterized by
anti-systemization and eclecticism in the area of thought. It may be
surprising, to some, to learn that Dispensationalism was developed and spread
during its first 100 years by those within a Reformed, Calvinistic tradition.
It had only been in the last 75 to 50 years that Dispensationalism and some
of its beliefs were disseminated in any significant way outside of the orbit
of Calvinism.
今日，系统化的时代论已经发展了近200年。我们生活在一个时代论和一些它的观念被广
传并接受于不同的神学传统的时代。这并不奇怪。因为我们的时代冲斥着反系统和折衷主
义的思想。但是，某些人肯能会很惊讶，实际上时代论的头100年乃是在加尔文传统改革
宗的圈子里面被传播并发展的。而在过去的50到75年间，时代论和它的一些信仰才在加尔
文主义的圈子外被广泛的传播。
DEFINITIONS / 定义
Before proceeding further I need to provide working definitions of what I
mean by Calvinism and Dispensationalism. First, by Calvinism, I am speaking
mainly of the theological system that relates to the doctrine of grace or
soteriological Calvinism. This would include strict and modified Calvinism
(i.e. four and five point Calvinism). I am referring to that aspect of
Calvinism that speaks of the fallen nature of man and the elective grace of
God.
在进一步讨论前，我需要对我所谓的加尔文主义和时代论下一个可操作的定义。第一，我
所谓的加尔文主义主要是指与加尔文主义的恩典或救赎论相关的神学系统。这包括保守或
改良的加尔文主义（如：4点或5点的加尔文主义）。我指的是加尔文主义中讲到人的堕落
天性和神恩典的拣选的教义。
Second, by Dispensationalism, I have in mind that system of theology that was
developed by J. N. Darby that gave rise to its modern emphasis of consistent
literal interpretation, a distinction between God's plan for Israel and the
church, usually a pretribulational rapture of the church before the
seventieth week of Daniel, premillennialism, and a multifaceted emphasis upon
God's glory as the goal of history. This includes some who have held to such
a system by may stop short of embracing pretribulationism. The focus of this
article will be upon Dispensational premillennialism.
第二，我所谓的时代论是指由达秘（JN Darby）所发展的神学系统，他强调字义解经，神
对以色列人和教会有不同的计画，通常是教会在但以里书的第70个7的大灾难前被提，前
千禧年论，和多方面强调神的荣耀是人类历史的终极目标。这也包括某些坚信并拥抱灾前
被提论。这份论文的着重点在于时代论的前千禧年论。
THEOLOGICAL LOGIC / 神学逻辑
In concert with the Calvinist impulse to view history theocentricly, I
believe that dispensational premillennialism provides the most logical
eschatological ending to God's sovereign decrees for salvation and history.
Since Dispensational premillennialists view both the promises of God's
election of Israel and the church as unconditional and something that God
will surely bring to pass, such a belief is consistent with the Bible and
logic. A covenant theologian would say that Israel's election was conditional
and temporary. Many Calvinists are covenant theologians who think that
individual election within the church is unconditional and permanent. They
see God's plan with Israel conditioned upon human choice, while God's plan
for salvation within the church is ultimately a sovereign act of God. There
is no symmetry in such logic. Meanwhile, Dispensational premillennialists see
both acts as a sovereign expression of God's plan in history which is a
logically consistent application of the sovereign will of God in human
affairs.
为了表现出加尔文主义者以神学为中心来对待历史的脉动，我相信时代论的前千禧年论能
够为神的救赎和其历史提供一个最逻辑并合乎神主权的行动的末世结局。因为时代论的前
千禧年论将神拣选以色列和教会的应许视为无条件，且是神必定会完成的一件事，这样的
信仰不但符合圣经，也符合逻辑。一个圣约神学者会说以色列的拣选是有条件的，并且是
暂时的。许多的加尔文主义者都是圣约神学专家，并认为个人在教会里的被拣选是无条件
的，也是永远的。他们认为神对以色列的计画乃是根据人的选择，而神对教会的救赎机会
至终是神主权的行动。这样的逻辑是互相矛盾的。同时，时代论的前千禧年论认为两者都
是神在历史里面的计画中主权的表现，这也能够从逻辑上符合神将他的主权应用在人类的
事物上。
Samuel H. Kellogg, a Presbyterian minister, missionary, and educator wrote of
the logic between Calvinism and "modern, futurist premillennialism," which
was in that day (1888) essentially dispensational. "But in general," notes
Kellogg, "we think, it may be rightly said that the logical relations of
premillennialism connect it more closely with the Augustinian than with any
other theological system."His use of "Augustinian" is the older term for
Calvinism. Kellogg points out the different areas in which Calvinism and
premillennialism are theologically one. "Premillennialism logically
presupposes an anthropology essentially Augustinian. The ordinary Calvinism
affirms the absolute helplessness of the individual for self-regeneration and
self-redemption."2 He continues, it is "evident that the anthropological
presuppositions on which premillennialism seems to rest, must carry with them
a corresponding soteriology."3 Kellogg reasons that "the Augustinian affinity
of the premillennialist eschatology becomes still more manifest. For nothing
is more marked than the emphasis with which premillennialists constantly
insist that, . . . the present dispensation is strictly elective."4 "In a
word," concludes Kellogg, "we may say that premillennialists simply affirm of
the macrocosm what the common Augustinianism affirms only of the microcosm."5
Samuel H. Kellogg, 一位长老会的牧师，宣教士，和教育家，他曾撰写关于加尔文主义
和“现代和未来派的前千禧年论”间的逻辑，在当时（1888）就是时代论的。‘但是，一
般而言’，Kellogg说，‘我认为，从逻辑关系而言，前千禧年论比任何其他神学系统都
更接近奥古斯丁。’他使用的‘奥古斯丁’一词，乃是对加尔文主义的旧称。Kellogg在
许多不同的方面指出了加尔文主义和前千禧年论丛神学而言乃是一致的。“前千禧年论逻
辑上假设一个从本质而言是奥古斯丁的人论。正统的加尔文主义确信各人在自我重生和自
我救赎上的完全无助。”他继续，证据就是“前千禧年论的人论的假设中也必然包括了相
应（加尔文主义）的救赎论。”Kellogg解释说，“奥古斯丁派坚信的是前千禧年的末世
论也是显而易见的。没有什么比前千禧年论不断强调的。。。今日的分赐（dispensation
，在次指神在各时代对救赎的不同分赐）是完全根据神的拣选。”“换句话说”，
Kellogg总结，“我们能够说前千禧年论者坚信的宏观宇宙就是奥古斯丁主义所相信的微
观宇宙。”
This is not to say that Dispensationalism and Calvinism are synonymous. I
merely contend that it is consistent with certain elements of Calvinism which
provide a partial answer as to why Dispensationalism sprang from the Reformed
womb. C. Norman Kraus contend,
这并不是说时代论和加尔文主义是一样的。我只是强调加尔文主义里面的某些元素提供了
为什么时代论是从改革宗中所孕育出来的部分答案。C. Norman Kraus说道：
There are, to be sure, important elements of seventeenth-century Calvinism in
contemporary dispensationalism, but these elements have been blended with
doctrinal emphasis from other sources to form a distinct system which in many
respects is quite foreign to classical Calvinism.6
在17世纪的加尔文主义中就有了时代论的重要成分，但是这些成分混入了其他不同（神学
）系统所强调的教义，这些教义在许多方面对古典加尔文主义是陌生的。
Nevertheless, Dispensationalism did develop within the Reformed community and
most of its adherents during the first 100 years were from within the
Calvinist milieu. Kraus concludes: "Taking all this into account, it must
still be pointed out that the basic theological affinities of
dispensationalism are Calvinistic. The large majority of men involved in the
Bible and prophetic conference movements subscribed to Calvinistic creeds." 7
I will now turn to an examination of some of the founders and proponents of
Dispensationalism?
不论如何，时代论确实是在改革宗的群体中发展并；在它的头100年中在加尔文主义中得
到广泛的支持。Kraus继续说道：“把这些背景了结清楚后，我们还要指出时代论所吸引
的人都是加尔文派的。他们大部分的成员都参与了根据加尔文派信经的圣经与预言（研究
）大会。”我现在要开始检视时代论的某些创立者和支持者（的背景）。
DARBY AND THE BRETHREN / 达秘和弟兄会
Modern systematic dispensationalism was developed in the 1830s by J. N. Darby
and those within the Brethren movement. Virtually all of these men came from
churches with a Calvinistic soteriology. "At the level of theology," says
Brethren historian H. H. Rowdon, "the earliest Brethren were Calvinists to a
man."8 This is echoed by one of the earliest Brethren, J. G. Bellett, who was
beginning his association with the Brethren when his brother George wrote,
"for his views had become more decidedly Calvinistic, and the friends with
whom he associated in Dublin were all, I believe without exception, of this
school."9
近代系统化的时代论乃是1830年代由达秘（JN Darby）以及弟兄会运动内的成员所发展的
。这些人都有加尔文派教会的救赎论背景。“在神学的层次”，弟兄会历史学家H. H.
Rowdon说，“早期的弟兄们都是加尔文主义者。”这和最早的弟兄会成员，J. G.
Bellett所说的一致，当他的兄弟乔治写道他如何开始与弟兄会联系时说道，“他的观点
已经是绝对的加尔文派，我相信那些在都柏林跟他在一起的人也一样都是这一派的，绝无
例外。”
What were Darby's views on this matter? John Howard Goddard observes that
Darby "held to the predestination of individuals and that he rejected the
Arminian scheme that God predestinated those whom he foreknew would be
conformed to the image of Christ."10 In his "Letter on Free-Will," it is
clear that Darby rejects this notion.
在这点上，达秘自己的观点又是什么呢？John Howard Goddard观察到达秘“坚信预定论
，他拒绝了亚米念方面的神先预知那些将会被模成基督的形象的人，在预定他们。”在他
的“致自由意志者的信”中，达秘明确的拒绝了这个观点。
"If Christ has come to save that which is lost, free-will has no longer any
place."11 "I believe we ought to hold to the word;" continues Darby, "but,
philosophically and morally speaking, free-will is a false and absurd theory.
Free-will is a state of sin."12 Because Darby held to the bondage of the
will, he logically follows through with belief in sovereign grace as
necessary for salvation.
“如果基督来为了拯救那些失丧的人，自由意志就没有任何的地位。”“我相信，我们必
须相信圣经的话；”达秘继续，“然而，从哲学和道德而言，自由意志是虚谎和令人难以
置信的理论。自由意志是罪的状态。”因为达秘坚信意志被（罪）捆绑，他的逻辑相信恩
典的主权是救赎必须的先决条件。
Such is the unfolding of this principle of sovereign grace, without which not
one should would be saved, for none understand, none seek after God, not one
of himself will come that he might have life. Judgment is according to works;
salvation and glory are the fruit of grace.13
这就是揭示了救恩的主权的原则，否则无人能够被拯救，因为没有人理解（神），也没有
人寻求神，也没有人自己愿意前来得着（神的）生命。审判时根据行为；救赎和荣耀是恩
典的果子。
Further evidence of Darby's Calvinism is that on at least two occasions he
was invited by non-dispensational Calvinists to defend Calvinism for
Calvinists. One of Darby's biographers, W. G. Turner spoke of his defense at
Oxford University:
进一步证明达秘的加尔文主义的证据是最起码有两个事件，当他被非时代论的加尔文主义
者邀请去帮助加尔文者辩护加尔文主义。达秘传记的作者，W. G. Turner提到他在牛津大
学的辩护说道：
It was at a much earlier date (1831, I think) that F. W. Newman invited Mr.
Darby to Oxford: a season memorable in a public way for his refutation of Dr.
E. Burton's denial of the doctrines of grace, beyond doubt held by the
Reformers, and asserted not only by Bucer, P. Martyr, and Bishop Jewell, but
in Articles IX—XVIII of the Church of England.14
当F.W. Newman在相当早期的时候（我记得是1831）邀请达秘先生去牛津：这是他公开驳
斥E. Burton博士否认恩典教
义令人难忘的季节，远远超出了改革宗者的怀疑，并得到包括Bucer, P. Martyr, 和
Jewell主教，并英国教会教纲9-18条
的支持。
On an other occasion Darby was invited to the city of Calvin—Geneva,
Switzerland—to defend Calvinism. Turner declares that "He refuted the
'perfectionism' of John Wesley, to the delight of the Swiss Free Church."15
Darby was awarded a medal of honor by the leadership of Geneva.16
另外一次达秘被邀请到加尔文的城市—瑞士的日内瓦—去为加尔文主义辩护。Turner宣称
，“他驳斥了那些约翰卫斯理的‘完美主义者’,使得瑞士自由教会万分喜悦。”达秘甚
至被日内瓦的领导阶层赠与奖章。
Still yet, when certain Reformed doctrines came under attack from within the
Church in which he once served, "Darby indicates his approval of the doctrine
of the Anglican Church as expressed in Article XVII of the Thirty-Nine
Articles"17 on the subject of election and predestination. Darby said,
然而，当某些改革宗的教义在他（达秘）曾经服侍过的教会内部被攻击的时候，在拣选和
预定的题目上，“达秘表示他认同英国国教教会39条中的第17条的内容”。达秘说，
For my own part, I soberly think Article XVII to be as wise, perhaps I might
say the wisest and best condensed human statement of the view it contains
that I am acquainted with. I am fully content to take it in its literal and
grammatical sense. I believe that predestination to life is the eternal
purpose of God, by which, before the foundations of the world were laid, He
firmly decreed, by His counsel secret to us, to deliver from curse and
destruction those whom He had chosen in Christ out of the human race, and to
bring them, through Christ, as vessels made to honour, to eternal salvation.18
在我的这部分，我严肃的认为第17条是智慧的，可能我能够说它是最智慧和最精炼的人类
的宣告，他包含了我所教导的（内容）。我完全认可他的字面和文风的含义。我相信在世
界的根基被立定之前预定是神永远的心意。他的肯定的警告我们，他将奥秘教导我们，为
要将那些在基督里从人类中拣选出来的从咒诅和毁灭中拯救出来，把他们借由基督，提升
他们，让他们成为荣耀的器皿，直至永远的救恩。
DISPENSATIONALISM IN AMERICA / 在美国的时代论
Darby and other Brethren brought dispensationalism to America through their
many trips and writings that came across the Atlantic. "In fact the
millenarian (or dispensational premillennial) movement," declares George
Marsden, "had strong Calvinistic ties in its American origins."19 Reformed
historian Marsden continues his explanation of how dispensationalism came to
America:
达秘和其他的弟兄们借由许多的旅行和著作，将时代论主意介绍到大西洋彼岸的美国。“
事实上，千年论（或时代论的前千禧论）运动”，George Marsden宣称，“在他的美国起
源中与加尔文有着坚固的关系。”改革宗历史学者Marsden继续解释时代论如何来到美国
：
This enthusiasm came largely from clergymen with strong Calvinistic views,
principally Presbyterians and Baptists in the northern United States. The
evident basis for this affinity was that in most respects Darby was himself
an unrelenting Calvinist. His interpretation of the Bible and of history
rested firmly on the massive pillar of divine sovereignty, placing as little
value as possible on human ability.20
这些热情的人大部分来自强烈加尔文观点的神职人员，主要是美国北部的长老会和浸信会
。这也是确认达秘本身就是无可置疑的加尔文主义者的线索。他对于圣经及其历史的解释
，非常以神圣的主权作为支柱，尽可能的淡化人的能力的因素。
The post-Civil War spread of dispensationalism in North America occurred
through the influence of key pastors and the Summer Bible Conferences like
Niagara, Northfield, and Winona. Marsden notes:
内战后，时代论在北美的传播主要是借由如同尼加拉瓜（Niagara），Northfield和
Winona这类的夏季圣经大会。Marsden记载：
The organizers of the prophetic movement in America were predominantly
Calvinists. In 1876 a group led by Nathaniel West, James H. Brookes, William
J. Eerdman, and Henry M. Parsons, all Presbyterians, together with Baptist A.
J. Gordon, . . . These early gatherings, which became the focal points for
the prophetic side of their leaders' activities, were clearly Calvinistic.
Presbyterians and Calvinist Baptists predominated, while the number of
Methodists was extremely small. . . . Such facts can hardly be accidental.21
在美国的预言（研究）运动的组织者是由加尔文主义者所主宰的。在1876年，一群由
Nathaniel West, James H.
Brookes, William J. Eerdman, 和 Henry M. Parsons的长老会成员，加上A. J.
Gordon,等等的浸信会成员。。一同领导。这些早期的聚会成为这些领袖们活动的重点，
都清楚地是
Proof of Marsden's point above is supplied by Samuel H. Kellogg—himself a
Presbyterian and Princeton graduate—with his breakdown of the predominately
dispensational Prophecy Conference in New York City in 1878. Kellogg
classified the list of those that signed the call for the Conference as
follows:
Marsden上述的观点得到了Samuel H. Kellogg—他本身就是普林斯顿毕业的长老会成员—
将1878年参加纽约时代论预
言研究大会的分类的支持。Kellogg将参加该次大会签名者分类为：
Presbyterians / 长老会. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . .31
United Presbyterians / 联合长老会 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 10
Reformed (Dutch) 荷兰改革宗 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. .3
Episcopalians 英国国教（美国）. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 10
Baptist 浸信会 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . 22
Reformed Episcopalians 改革宗英国国教（美国）. . . . . . . . . . . 10
Congregationalists 会众主义派 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . 10
Methodists 卫理会 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . 6
Adventists 安息日会 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . .5
Lutheran 路德 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . .1 22
Kellogg concluded that "the proportion of Augustinians in the whole to be
eighty-eight per cent."23 "The significance of
this is emphasized," continues Kellogg, "by the contrasted fact that the
Methodists, although one of the largest
denominations of Christians in the country, were represented by only six
names."24 Kellogg estimates that "analyses of similar gatherings since held
on both sides of the Atlantic, would yield a similar result."25
Kellogg总结说道“奥古斯丁派的占到了88%。”“这意味着”，Kellogg继续说道，“相
对于卫理会是美国最大的基督教公会，他们只有6个名字”。Kellogg估计“分析大洋两岸
类似的大会，我们会得出类似的结果。”
George Marsden divides Reformed Calvinism in America into three types:
"doctrinalist, culturalist, and pietist."26 He then explains that
"Dispensationalism was essentially Reformed in its nineteenth-century origins
and had in later nineteenth century America spread most among
revival-oriented Calvinists."27 This is not to say that only revival-oriented
Calvinists were becoming dispensational in their view of the Bible and
eschatology. Ernest Sandeen lists at least one Old School Presbyterian—L. C.
Baker of Camden, New Jersey—as an active dispensationalist during the later
half of the nineteenth century.28 Timothy Weber traces the rise of
Dispensationalism as follows:
George Marsden 将美国的改革宗加尔文主义者分为三类：“教义派，文化派和圣洁派。
”他然后解释“时代论在19世纪的起源中是改革宗的，在19世纪下半期在美国大觉醒运动
影响的加尔文主义者中广为流行。”这不是只有被大醒运动影响的加尔文主义者才会在他
们对圣经的看法和末世论成为时代论。Ernest Sandeen最起码列举一个长老会的老牌学校
—纽泽西的L. C. Baker of Camden—作为在19世纪下半叶活跃的时代论主义者。
Timothy Webe将时代论的兴起追朔于：
The first converts to dispensational premillennialism after the Civil War
were pietistic evangelicals who were attracted to
its biblicism, its concern for evangelism and missions, and its view of
history, which seemed more realistic than that of the prevailing
postmillennialism. Most of the new premillennialists came from baptist, New
School Presbyterian, and Congregationalist ranks, which gave the movement a
definite Reformed flavor. Wesleyan evangelicals who opposed premillennialism
used this apparent connection to Calvinism to discredit it among Methodists
and holiness people.29
内战后第一批接受时代论的前千禧年主义的都是最敬虔的福音派人士，他们被它的圣经主
义（唯独圣经），它对于福音主义和宣教的关注，和它对于历史的看法所吸引。这些看起
来都比后千禧年主义要现实。大部分新接受前千禧论的都是浸信会，长老会的新派学院，
和会众主义的代表，这让这个运动染上了无法否认的改革宗色彩。卫理会反对前千禧年派
的认识利用这个与加尔文主义接触的机会，期望在卫理会和圣洁运动的人士间，拆毁它（
时代论）的可信度。
It is safe to say that without the aid of Reformed Calvinists in America
dispensational premillennialism would have had an entirely different history.
Men like the St. Louis Presbyterian James H. Brookes (1830-1897), who was
trained at Princeton Seminary, opened his pulpit to Darby and other speakers.
Brookes, considered the American father of the pretribulational rapture in
America, also discipled a new convert to Christ in the legendary C. I.
Scofield.30 Others such as Presbyterians Samuel H. Kellogg (Princeton
trained), E. R. Craven, who was a Princeton College and Seminary graduate and
Old School Presbyterian,31 and Nathaniel West provided great leadership in
spreading dispensationalism in the late 1800s.
所以我们可以很有把握的说，若没有美国改革宗加尔文主义的帮助，时代论千禧年主义将
会走入另一个完全不同的历史轨迹里。那些像圣路易斯市的长老会成员，James H.
Brookes (1830-1897)，普林斯顿神学院毕业，甚至讲他的讲台相达秘和其他的讲员开放
。Brooks，被公认为美国的灾前被提论的先驱，也是由神话般的司可福（C. I. Scofield
）带领接受基督的。其他如长老会的Samuel H. Kellogg（普林斯顿训练），E. R.
Craven普林斯顿大学和神学院毕业，老派的长老会成员，和Nathaniel West在18世纪前千
禧年论传播时发挥了极大的领导能力。
SCOFIELD, CHAFER AND DALLAS SEMINARY / 司可福，Chafer和达拉斯神学院
C. I. Scofield (1843-1921), Lewis Sperry Chafer (1871-1952), and Dallas
Theological Seminary (est. 1924) were great vehicles for the spread of
dispensationalism in America and throughout the world. Both Scofield and
Chafer were ordained Presbyterian ministers. The "Scofield Reference Bible,
is called by many the most effective tool for the dissemination of
dispensationalism in America."32 Scofield was converted in mid-life and first
discipled by James H. Brookes in St. Louis. He was ordained to the ministry
at the First Congregational Church of Dallas in 1882 and transferred his
ministerial credentials to the Presbyterian Church in the U. S. in 1908.33
Thus, his ministry took place within a Calvinist context.
司可福（1843-1921），Lewis Sperry Chafer (1871-1952), 和达拉斯神学院 (1924设立
)都是向美国和全世界传播时代论的主要管道。司可福和Chafer都是长老会按立的牧师。
“司可福注解圣经，被许多人称为，是美国传播时代论最有效的工具”。司可福是在中年
之后信主，现在圣路易斯的James H. Brookes手下受教。他在1822年被达拉斯的第一会众
教会（First Congregational Church of Dallas）按立为牧师，然后在1908年转入美国
的长老会牧会。歌词，他的职事乃是在加尔文主义的背景下进行的。
Scofield was the major influence upon the development of Chafer's theology.
John Hannah notes that "it is impossible to understand Chafer without
perceiving the deep influence of Scofield."34 In fact, "Chafer often likened
this relationship to that of father and a son."35 This relationship grew out
of Chafer's study under Scofield at the Northfield Conference and from a
life-changing experience in Scofield's study of the First Congregational
Church of Dallas in the early 1900s. Scofield told Chafer that his gifts were
more in the field of teaching and not in the area of evangelism in which he
had labored. "The two prayed together, and Chafer dedicated his life to a
lifetime of biblical study."36
Chafer神学发展中最重要的影响者乃是司可福。John Hannah这样记载“若没有先被司可
福一个深入的影响，就不可能了解Chafer”。事实上，“Chafer常常将这种关系比喻为父
子关系。”这种关系乃是从Chafer在Northfield大会中，在司可福下研究圣经，和在1990
年代初期在达拉斯的第一会众教会中，与司可福一同研读圣经的经历上面发展出来的。司
可福告诉Chafer，他的恩赐在于教导而不是他当时着重的宣教。“当他们两人一同祷告，
Chafer将他的一生奉献给圣经的研究”。
Scofield and Chafer were two of the greatest American dispensationalists and
both developed their theology from out of a Reformed background. Scofield is
known for his study bible and Chafer for his Seminary and systematic
theology. Jeffrey Richards describes Chafer's theological characteristics as
having "much in common with the entire Reformed tradition. Excluding
eschatology, Chafer is similar theologically to such Princeton divines as
Warfield, Hodge, and Machen. He claims such doctrines as the sovereignty of
God, . . . total depravity of humanity, election, irresistible grace, and the
perseverance of the saints."37 C. Fred Lincoln describes Chafer's 8 volume
Systematic Theology as "unabridged, Calvinistic, premillennial, and
dispensational."38
司可福和Chafer是美国历史上最伟大的时代论主义者，他们两人都从改革宗的背景下发展
他们的神学。司可福因他的圣经研究著名于世，Chafer是以他的神学院和系统神学著名于
世。Jeffrey Richards形容Chafer的神学特性如同拥有“许多与整个改革宗传统的共同点
。除了末世论，Chafer与普林斯顿神学院的Warfield，Hogde，和Machen比较接近。他宣
称，这些教义乃是神的主权，。。人的完全败坏，（神的）拣选，不可抗拒的恩典，和（
神）对圣徒的保守”。C. Fred Lincoln将Chafer的八卷系统神学描述为“未经过删减的
，加尔文主义的，前千禧年的，和时代论的。”
Since its founding in 1924 as The Evangelical Theological College (changed to
Dallas Theological Seminary in 1936), it has exerted a global impact on
behalf of dispensationalism. Dallas Seminary’s primary founder was Chafer,
but William Pettingill and W. H. Griffith-Thomas also played a leading role.
Pettingill, like Chafer was Presbyterian. Griffith-Thomas, an Anglican, wrote
one of the best commentaries on the Thirty-nine Articles of the Anglican
Church,39 which is still widely used by conservative Anglicans and
Episcopalians today. The Thirty-nine Articles are staunchly Calvinistic.
自从福音派神学院（在1936年改名为达拉斯神学院）在1924年创立以来，它一向高举对全
球产生深刻影响的时代论主义。达拉斯的主要创办人是Chafer，但是William Pettingill
和W. H. Griffith-Thomas也在其中起了非常重要的带头作用。Pettingill，就如同
Chafer一样，是长老会背景。Griffith-Thomas则是英国国教（美国）教会背景，他曾写
了对英国国教39条最好的注解，今天仍被英国国教和Episcopalian广泛使用。那个39条乃
是彻头彻尾的加尔文主义的。
Both men were clearly Calvinists. The Seminary, especially before World War
II, considered itself Calvinistic. Chafer once characterized the school in a
publicity brochure as "in full agreement with the Reformed Faith and its
theology is strictly Calvinistic."40 In a letter to Allan MacRae of
Westminster Theological Seminary, Chafer said, "You probably know that we are
definitely Calvinistic in our theology."41 "Speaking of the faculty, Chafer
noted in 1925 that they were 'almost wholly drawn from the Southern and
Northern Presbyterian Churches.'"42 Further, Chafer wrote to a Presbyterian
minister the following: "I am pleased to state that there is no institution
to my knowledge which is more thoroughly Calvinistic nor more completely
adjusted to this system of doctrine, held by the Presbyterian Church."43
上述两位明显的是加尔文主义者。（达拉斯）神学院，特别是二战后，更是自认为加尔文
主义的。Chafer曾经在一个公开的场合将学校归纳成“完全认可改革宗信仰，并且它的神
学是严谨的加尔文主义。”在一封致韦敏斯特神学院的AllanMacRae的信件中，Chafer说
，“你应该知道我们在神学上面肯定是加尔文主义的”。“谈到我们的师资，Chafer在
1925年记载道，他们‘几乎都是从南方和北方的长老会系统里面招聘的’”。更进一步，
Chafer写给一位长老会的牧师，说：“我很高兴的告诉你，在我所知道的范围内，没有更
完全加尔文的神学机构，也没有更比它被这个长老教会持守的教义系统归正的（神学院）
。”
Since so many early Dallas graduates entered the Presbyterian ministry, there
began to be a reaction to their dispensational premillennialism in the 1930s.
This was not an issue as to whether they were Calvinistic in their
soteriology, but an issue over their eschatology. In the late 1930s, "Dallas
Theological Seminary, though strongly professing to be a Presbyterian
institution, was being severed from the conservative Presbyterian splinter
movement."44 In 1944, Southern Presbyterians issued a report from a committee
investigating the compatibility of dispensationalism with the Westminster
Confession of Faith. The committee ruled dispensationalism was not in harmony
with the Church's Confession. This "report of 1944 was a crippling blow to
any future that dispensational premillennialism might have within Southern
Presbyterianism."45 This ruling effectively moved Dallas graduates away from
ministry within Reformed denominations toward the independent Bible Church
movement.
因为有数目如此众多的早期达拉斯的毕业生进入长老教会牧会，在1930年代就开始对他们
的时代论的千禧年论产生反应。这与他们在救赎论上是不是加尔文主义无关，而是跟他们
的末世论有关。在1930年代下半，“达拉斯神学院，虽然强烈的承认自己是一个长老会的
神学院，但是却与保守派长老会的分离运动切割。”在1944，南方长老会的一个委员会发
表了一份关于时代论和韦敏斯特信条的相容性的报告。这个委员会裁定，时代论主义不符
合（南方长老会）教会的信仰。这个‘1944年的报告阻止了时代论的千禧年论在南方长老
会内部有任何的前途’。这个裁定，有效的将达拉斯的毕业生从改革宗的各教派赶致独立
的圣经教会运动。
A BROADENING OF DISPENSATIONALISM ACCEPTANCE / 对时代论的更广泛的接纳
Even though dispensationalism had made a modest penetration of Baptists as
early as the 1880s through advocates such as J. R. Graves,46 a strong
Calvinist, they were rebuffed by non-Calvinists until the mid-1920s when
elements of dispensational theology began to be adopted by some Pentecostals
in an attempt to answer the increasing threat of liberalism. Kraus explains:
即使时代论在1880年代就借由J.R. Graves