桑德斯竞选与美国社会主义运动建设
The Bernie Sanders campaign and building the movement for socialism in the US
原文：Liberation https://tinyurl.com/tym5muy
译文：察网 http://www.cwzg.cn/theory/202002/55374.html
作者：Brian Becker
译者按：本文刊载于美国“争取社会主义与解放党”（Party for Socialism and
Liberation）主办的《解放新闻》（liberationnews.org）。与桑德斯竞选运动的主流不
同的是，“社解党”宣称以马列主义为指导思想；而相较于美国共产党，“社解党”的力
量和组织性更强，立场也更为传统。翻译此文，供读者了解“社解党”对桑德斯及其运动
的看法。
The Democratic Party establishment and the major capitalist-owned media have
been waging a low intensity war against the Bernie Sanders presidential
campaign for the past year and it is not working too well. Now these attacks
are escalating. If Sanders continues to succeed, the floodgate of scurrilous
and demonizing assaults will open, just as happened to Jeremy Corbyn in
Britain.
在过去的一年中，美国民主党当权派（建制派）与多数的资本主义媒体，一直在对伯尼·
桑德斯（Bernie Sanders）的总统竞选活动进行着低强度的抨击，但目前来看这些阻扰未
见成效。现在，这些抨击行为正在悄然升级。如果桑德斯的竞选计画如期顺利开展，他或
将会与英国工党领袖杰里米·科宾（Jeremy Corbyn）一样，受到来自当权派与媒体的批
评和谩骂。
For the past 12 months, almost all of the ruling class centers of power have
been arguing that Sanders is a socialist and thus “too left”; that his
medical reforms “are too expensive” and will break the bank; that he “can’
t beat Trump”; or, in the aftermath of his heart attack, that he is not “
healthy enough,” which goes along well with the mantra that he is “too old.
” At the last debate CNN and Elizabeth Warren conspired to set up Sanders
as “sexist,” yet another argument to add to the list. These attacks on
Sanders have not worked.
在过去的12个月里，几乎所有的统治阶级权力中心都在指责伯尼·桑德斯是一个社会主义
者，其政见“太左”：他的医疗改革计画过于昂贵，将拖垮银行财政；他无法在竞选中击
败美国总统现任唐纳德·川普；甚至——他的心脏病使其健康状况堪忧，并且太过年迈，
不适合总统职位。在上一次的辩论中，美国有线电视新闻网（CNN）与伊丽莎白·沃伦（
Elizabeth Warren）还批评桑德斯是一名“性别歧视者”。但这些攻击并未奏效。
What's the real reason the ruling class is so alarmed?
是什么让美国的统治阶级如此惊慌？
What has become crystal clear is that the Democratic Party establishment and
its echo chambers in the “free press” clearly would favor four more years
of Donald Trump over Sanders, a self-identified democratic socialist, in the
White House. One must take a moment and ask: Why is this? By European
standards Bernie Sanders would be an acceptable center-left politician. He
would not be perceived as a danger to the existing social order. What is the
U.S. ruling class so afraid of? Why is the Democratic establishment trying to
destroy the Sanders campaign?
暂时清楚的是，民主党当权派在各种“自由发行”的出版物上不断重复：比起自称为民主
社会主义者的桑德斯，他们更愿意支持唐纳德‧川普在白宫再待四年。虽然按照传统欧洲
政治标准，伯尼‧桑德斯是一位中左翼倾向的政治家，（这在欧洲）是可以接受的。他对
现存社会制度并不构成威胁。既然如此，美国统治阶级是在害怕什么？民主党当权派为什
么要阻碍他的竞选运动？
The ruling class and its two political parties rightly fear that a new, truly
radical and even pre-revolutionary mass movement can quickly sweep through
the country as it did in the 1930s and at the end of the 1960s. The Sanders
electoral campaign itself is not that, but insofar as it is exciting and
raising the expectation of millions who want to win substantive reforms by
fighting the billionaire class, it presages what is to come. Sanders, the
individual, may turn out to be an accidental political figure who spent a
lifetime in the hallowed halls of the bourgeois Congress barely causing a
stir, but whose presidential campaigns became a vessel and a catalyst for
something more enduring – a movement of millions of people who are demanding
radical solutions to the grievous injustices caused by plutocratic capitalism.
统治阶级及其两党都担心一场新的真正激进的甚至接近革命的群众运动席卷全国，如同上
世纪30年代和60年代末一样。桑德斯竞选运动本身并不是革命运动，但是它正在激起千百
万人的期望：他们希望通过与亿万富翁阶级的斗争来实现实质上的改革。伯尼‧桑德斯本
人可能只是一个偶然的政治人物：他几乎大半生都在资本家国会的神圣殿堂里工作，没有
引起过什么轰动；但是他的竞选活动可能催化一场更为持久的运动——千百万人要求彻底
解决权贵资本主义带来的严重不公的运动。
The ironies of history
历史的讽刺
The country is badly in need of a mass, energized movement for radical
change. It may be an irony of history that such a radical break from the
established order could take shape from within arenas and institutions that
constitute a center of ruling-class political legitimacy. But history is
filled with such ironies.
目前美国亟待一场群众的、充满活力的运动来进行彻底的改变。对现有秩序的彻底突破，
可能发生于资本主义的竞技场和机关中，而正是它们构成了统治阶级政治合法性的中心—
—这可能是一种历史的讽刺。但历史不缺这样的讽刺。
Nascent radical mass movements throughout the centuries have often first
taken shape where the line of least resistance appears in the old order.
Here, the path of least resistance is the elections. People in the United
States are familiar with elections. The process, symbols and iconography of
the elections are accepted as places for heated discourse and heated debate.
It is the main political form that can imbue a political program with instant
“legitimacy.” In every school, it is where children are taught they must
try to make change — a point reinforced every day in the media.
几个世纪以来，新生的进步群众运动往往从旧制度最薄弱的地方寻求突破。在今天的美国
，这个地方就是大选。美国人无一不对选举制感到熟悉。选举的过程、标志和象征，便是
进行激烈的辩论与演讲的场所。选举是使某个政治纲领获得暂时合法性的主要政治形式。
那些政客的政策与计画才得以为大众所理解，继而“合理化”。在每一所学校，孩子们都
被教导必须尽力做出改变——媒体每天都在强调这个观点。
The notion of making change through other means such as workplace action and
street protest, let alone more militant forms, is almost exclusively learned
through interaction with people’s movements and with radicals. From the
standpoint of those fighting for radical and revolutionary change, a
fundamental lesson is that the U.S. electoral form of government has
functioned more than anything as a deception — a way of giving the illusion
of choice that masks the dictatorship of the capitalist class. That is still
its main function.
通过选举之外的罢工和街头抗议等方式（当然还有其它更为激进的方式）来实现改变的想
法，也在人民运动和激进派之间的交互中深入人心。从为激进的、革命的变革而奋斗的人
们的基本观点来看，美国政府的选举制度不过是给人民制造幻想的工具——其掩盖了资本
家阶级专政的实质。这是它的主要功能。
Socialist tactics
社会主义的策略
But socialist tactics have to be considered and decided based on the state of
class-consciousness of the entire working class, and appreciation of where we
are in the historical process, and what is most essential at our current
juncture. Just having the conviction as revolutionary socialists that the
capitalist system fundamentally cannot be reformed, and that the Democratic
Party would sooner come apart than be transformed, is not sufficient to draw
out a tactical orientation. The question is how to fight alongside and to an
extent merge with masses of people who are in their own process of struggle,
so that such conclusions can be tested and proven in real life.
然而，在制定社会主义策略的时候，必须考虑到整个工人阶级的阶级意识，考虑到我们所
处的历史时期，考虑到当前历史关头的最重要问题。仅仅具备革命社会主义者的坚定信念
——比如，资本主义不能从根本上改革（而只能通过革命推翻），或是民主党将很快解体
而不是改革——是不足以得出明确的决策方向的。问题在于，如何才能与处于自身斗争进
程中的人民群众一起战斗，并在一定程度上同他们结合起来。只有这样，上面的结论才能
在实际生活中被检验和证明。
For our purposes here, the point is that it is not surprising that the mass
reawakening of anti-capitalist and pro-socialist consciousness would register
profoundly in the electoral realm, the path of least resistance. For tens of
millions, it feels more legitimate and more possible to identify as a
socialist or promote a socialist candidate in an election cycle rather than
at a militant street protest or barricade. Given the relative smallness and
limited influence of the revolutionary socialist trends in the United States,
with whom these tens of millions have largely never interacted, how could it
be otherwise? That the form of this struggle is currently inside the
Democratic primary contest in some ways obscures its potentially radical or
even revolutionary next manifestations.
就我们的目的来说，一点也不奇怪，在选举领域大规模地重新唤醒反资本主义、亲社会主
义的意识，是当下阻力最小的一种方式。对千百万普通人来说，相比于支持激进的街头抗
议和街垒斗争，在选举过程里支持一位社会主义者或具有社会主义倾向的候选人，是更加
合理和可能的。考虑到美国革命社会主义思潮的规模相对较小，影响有限，是千百万人中
的大多数从未接触过的。对他们来说，除此（支持桑德斯）之外还能怎么办呢？尽管这一
斗争目前仍以民主党内初选的形式进行，但它具有激进甚至革命的潜在可能。
The ruling class and its “thinkers,” however, are keenly aware that such
trends can morph quickly into a truly mass, militant movement against a
system dominated by billionaires. The ruling class, because of its role in
society, is more acutely class conscious than the classes over which they
dominate. They fear more than anything a new consciousness arising from the
mass of the people who, should they begin to first stir and then move
together with new demands, could become an irresistible force.
然而，统治阶级与他们的“智囊团”也敏锐地意识到了这一点：这种趋势可能很快发展成
为反抗现有亿万富翁统治制度的、真正群众的激进运动。统治阶级由于其在社会中的角色
，比他们所统治的阶级具有更强烈的阶级意识。他们最害怕人民群众中产生对他们不利的
新思潮——特别是那些会煽动群众表达诉求的——那会形成一股难以抵抗的力量。
So far, the dynamic surge of the Sanders campaign reflects both the nascent
mass movement for radical change and further stimulates this phenomenon
inside the United States. The last year has witnessed a wave of mass protests
all over the capitalist world. The subterranean yearnings for radical change
are starting to burst out into the open, above ground, and they are rattling
the existing social order and the ruling classes from Chile and Ecuador to
Sudan, France, Lebanon, Iraq and beyond.
到目前为止，桑德斯竞选运动的蓬勃发展，一方面反映了争取激进变革的新生群众运动的
发展，另一方面又进一步激发了美国国内的进步氛围。去年，资本主义世界掀起了群众抗
议的浪潮。从智利到厄瓜多尔，再到苏丹、法国、黎巴嫩、伊拉克和其他国家，对激进变
革的渴望正如泉水一般从地下迸发出来，人们正在挑战现有的政治制度与统治阶级。
This yearning for change has not come all at once. It has been developing for
nearly a decade. The Occupy movement in 2011 showed the potential for it when
it burst onto the political scene. It spread like wildfire before it
collapsed under the weight of both state repression and the folly of
anarchist tactics. The Arab Spring started with the same impetus and the same
dynamism but it too collapsed for multiple reasons, including the absence of
an experienced revolutionary leadership capable of circumnavigating such
troubled waters, the inability to stir the countryside and the opportunist
intervention of imperialism.
这种对变化的渴望并不是一下子就出现的，它已经发展了近十年。自从2011年的“占领运
动”（Occupy movement，指2011年的占领华尔街运动）冲入政治领域，它就显示了它的
潜力。在国家的镇压和无政府主义策略的误导使其崩溃之前，运动像野火一样蔓延。“阿
拉伯之春”也以同样的动力和活力开始，但它也因多种原因而崩溃，其中包括：在混乱局
面下缺乏有经验的革命领导者；没能鼓动农村的革命力量；当然还有来自帝国主义的机会
主义干预。
Three years later, the rebellion in Ferguson, Missouri, ignited another new
national movement against racism and for Black freedom and equality.
Rebellion and resistance are in the air once again in 2019 and 2020 in the
United States and around the world – and the ruling class and its two
political parties inside the United States are scared. The billionaires and
bankers do not actually fear Sanders the person at all, but they do fear that
his campaign is becoming a springboard for something much larger and more
radical. The Party for Socialism and Liberation believes that this is the
primary basis to evaluate the Sanders campaign and determine socialist
tactics to intervene in the current political struggle.
在“占领运动”发生三年后，密苏里州弗格森（Ferguson, Missouri）的抗争（对白人警
察随意枪杀黑人的抗议）点燃了另一场新的反对种族主义、争取黑人自由和平等的全国运
动。2019和2020年，为平等而斗争的不服从与抵抗运动再一次席卷了美国乃至全世界。这
令美国的统治阶级与两党感到害怕。实际上，那些亿万富翁和银行家们根本不害怕桑德斯
这个人，但他们确实担心桑德斯的竞选活动正在成为更大、更激进运动的一个跳板。“争
取社会主义与解放党”认为，这是评价桑德斯运动、确定参与当前政治斗争的社会主义策
略的首要依据。
Sanders' insurgency against the Democratic establishment
桑德斯对民主党当权派的反叛
Sanders is running against Trump but his main foes come from within the
Democratic Party elites, and thus his campaign presents itself as an
insurgency against the Democratic Party itself.
桑德斯正在与川普竞争，但他的主要敌人是来自民主党内部的精英们，因此他的竞选活动
就是对民主党本身的反叛。
The adversarial relationship between the Democratic Party and the Sanders
campaign is a widely recognized fact. Sanders himself said at his very large
closing campaign rally ahead of the Iowa caucus, “We are taking on the
entire political establishment, both the Republican and the Democratic
establishment.” Failed presidential candidate and longtime leading
imperialist John Kerry was overheard by an NBC news analyst talking on the
phone about “the possibility of Bernie Sanders taking down the Democratic
Party — down whole.” Rahm Emanuel , former Chicago mayor and Obama’s chief
of staff, warns of “a rupture in the party that is irreparable.” Sources
close to former president Obama say he will only intervene forcefully in the
primary on one condition: if Sanders were to win in Iowa and start to gain
momentum. Stopping Sanders is now their top priority.
民主党和桑德斯竞选运动之间的敌对关系是一个公认的事实。在爱荷华州初选会议前，桑
德斯本人在其大型收尾竞选集会上说：“我们正在对抗整个政治体制，包括共和党和民主
党的当权派。”美国全国广播公司（NBC）的一位新闻分析员曾在电话中无意听到，失败
的总统候选人、长期以来的帝国主义者约翰·克里（John Kerry）谈论“伯尼·桑德斯有
可能推翻民主党——推翻整个民主党。”前芝加哥市长、奥巴马的白宫幕僚长拉姆·伊曼
纽尔（Rahm Emanuel）警告说“（民主）党内的破裂是无法弥补的。”接近前总统奥巴马
的消息人士说，奥巴马只会在一个条件下强力干预初选：桑德斯在爱荷华州获胜，并由此
开始获得动力。显然，阻止桑德斯成了他们现在的首要任务。
Another issue that all socialists must consider is the extent to which this
race is being shaped by both major parties as a referendum on socialism in
the United States. Trump is organizing his 2020 campaign around the fight to
save the country from socialism. He called Sanders a “communist,” who is “
far beyond a socialist.” Of course he is not the first Republican to use
false anti-communist attacks to attack the Democratic nominee. That was a
characteristic of the right-wing campaigns against Obama too, despite him
being a center-right neoliberal candidate. But what makes this year different
is that for the first time in modern history, the Democratic Party is
mirroring these talking points against its own candidate, emphasizing that
socialism can never win in the United States.
所有社会主义者都必须考虑的另一个问题是，作为一场关于美国社会主义的全民公决，这
场选举竞赛究竟在多大程度上是由两党决定的？川普正在组织2020年的竞选活动，他的竞
选活动的中心是把美国从社会主义中解救出来。他称桑德斯为“比社会主义者左”的“共
产主义者”。当然，他不是第一个用错误的反共口号来攻击民主党候选人的共和党人。这
种手段也曾被右翼运动用来反对奥巴马- ——尽管他是一个中间偏右的新自由主义候选人
。但今年的不同之处在于，民主党第一次这样看待自己党内的候选人，并强调社会主义永
远不可能在美国获胜。
The Sanders campaign is, at this moment, the vessel for a progressive,
vaguely socialist insurgency within the confines of the Democratic Party. The
Democratic Party has consistently acted against the interests of working
people in the United States while trying to present itself as the only option
for progressive values. It is a brake on the development of an independent
and militant movement in the country. Socialists who understand the
Democratic Party is a ruling class party that can not be reformed should
support this insurgency.
在民主党内部，桑德斯竞选运动承载了进步和模糊的社会主义运动的思想。民主党总是违
背美国劳动人民的利益，试图把自己作为进步价值观的唯一选择。在美国，民主党是独立
的激进运动发展的障碍。社会主义者应当明白，民主党是统治阶级的政党，它无法从内部
改革，但应当支持桑德斯的反叛。
After the primaries
初选之后
If Sanders fails to win the nomination or has it stolen from him, he has
pledged to support the party’s pro-ruling class nominee in the general
election. He did the same in 2016 when he campaigned for capitalist war hawk
Hillary Clinton. If Sanders again abandons his own movement by supporting a
ruling class candidate in 2020, the movement should refuse to follow him; it
should refuse to be a tail to the kite of either wing of the capitalist
political machine and the military-industrial complex. It should continue
building its own grassroots base and promoting the socialist movement in
confrontation with the reactionary Democratic Party elites. That would make
it a genuine resistance movement not only to Trump but also his
super-reactionary war-mongering foes in the Democratic Party leadership.
桑德斯已经承诺，如果自己未能在初选中获得提名，就将在接下来的大选中支持亲统治阶
级的候选人。他在2016年大选中便是如此，为著名的鹰派希拉蕊·克林顿（Hillary
Clinton）提供了支持。但是，如果桑德斯在2020年大选中再次放弃他自己的运动，转而
支持统治阶级的候选人，那么运动应当拒绝跟在他后面。运动绝不应成为那些资本主义政
治机器和军工复合体的附庸。它应当继续自己的基层建设，同民主党精英对抗，推进社会
主义运动。只有这样才能使它成为一场真正的抵抗运动。敌人不仅是川普，还有民主党领
导层里超级反动的、发著战争财的川普的对手。
In response to the attacks against Sanders, his campaign has moved to the
left on domestic issues and grown in popularity, while broadening its base of
support among young people, working-class voters overall, in Black and Latino
communities, among women, the LGBTQ community and other sectors of society.
These sectors seek radical solutions to the grotesque levels of inequality
that are the fundamental feature of late-stage capitalism. One such grotesque
feature is evident in the fact that Jeff Bezos “earned” an additional $12
billion on January 29 — one single day — at the same time that the media
reported soaring levels of homelessness among working families.
为了回应自己受到的攻击，桑德斯竞选运动在国内问题上向左翼靠拢，并且变得更加流行
。这也使得他在年轻人、工人阶级、黑人和拉美裔群体、妇女、LGBTQ（性少数人群）群
体和其他社会阶层中的支持率大大提高。这些群体正在寻求激进的办法，以解决作为晚期
资本主义基本特征的极其荒诞的不平等问题。这种荒诞在现实中体现的明明白白，例如在
1月29日，杰夫·贝佐斯（Jeff Bezos，亚马逊公司创始人）又“挣”了120亿美元——而
在同一天，媒体报导了工人阶级家庭的无家可归者人数激增。
Simultaneously, in the face of the establishment’s attacks and pressure,
Sanders has either embraced the ruling-class narrative on Venezuela, China
and Russia, or has offered little or very little real opposition to the
dominant foreign policy positions of the imperialist establishment. Sanders
undoubtedly hopes this will make him more “respectable” in the eyes of the
corporate media, but the deeper effect is to lock the budding mass socialist
consciousness to the imperialist status quo, keeping that potentially radical
sentiment from moving too far left in the direction of internationalism.
同时，面对当权派的攻击和压力，桑德斯要么接受统治阶级对委内瑞拉、中国和俄罗斯的
外交观点，要么也只能对帝国主义当权派的外交政策立场提出微乎其微的反对。桑德斯无
疑希望自己摆出这样的立场能够让公司媒体更加接受他，但更深层次的影响是，这将在帝
国主义现状的面前锁住处于萌芽状态的群众社会主义意识，使得激进方案不在国际主义的
方向上走得太远。
What does critical support mean?
批判性支持意味着什么？
Socialists can join the insurgency against the Democratic Party establishment
without becoming Bernie Sanders followers or uncritically parroting any and
all positions adopted by him. Critical support to the Sanders campaign means
that when Sanders takes reactionary positions there should be no holding back
on open criticism.
社会主义者可以加入反对民主党当权派的抗争，但不应成为伯尼·桑德斯的追随者，也不
应毫无批判地复读他的所有立场。对桑德斯竞选运动的批判性支持意味着：当桑德斯采取
反动立场时，应当对他进行公开的批评。
Sanders’ foreign policy positions are not anti-imperialist or socialist.
Yes, he has a toned-down, softer and more liberal foreign policy than the
other Democrats. Undoubtedly, governments in Cuba, Venezuela, Iran and among
Palestinians would consider a Sanders presidency a big step forward by the
standards of who his competitors are, and the conduct of previous presidents.
But his foreign policy accepts and promotes the narrative of the empire and
supports imperialist sanctions against targeted countries.
桑德斯的外交政策立场不是反帝国主义的，也不是社会主义的。的确，相较于其他民主党
人，他的外交政策更温和、更柔软、更自由。毫无疑问，古巴、委内瑞拉、伊朗和巴勒斯
坦政府会认为桑德斯的外交政策，与他的竞争者和往届总统相比向前迈出了一大步。但是
，他的外交政策依然接受并支持帝国式的外交思想，支持美国对目标国家的帝国主义制裁
。
For instance, when Sanders was one of just two members of the Senate to vote
no in June 2017 on a new sanctions resolution against Russia, North Korea and
Iran, he made it clear that he was working within the Obama-approved
framework and was not taking a radical departure from the ruling class
consensus. He explained in a video to prove that his vote should not be
considered an outlier or radical shift: “While I support sanctions on
Russia and North Korea, I voted against the sanctions bill last week because
it contains sanctions on Iran that I believe could endanger the Iran nuclear
agreement. This agreement was President Obama’s most important foreign
policy achievement, and President Trump has made clear his intention to
destroy it. Progressives must get mobilized to protect it, just as we did
with the Affordable Care Act!”
例如，在2017年6月，桑德斯是给对俄罗斯、朝鲜和伊朗的新制裁政策投反对票的仅有的
两名参议员之一。但他明确表示，他是在奥巴马批准的外交政策框架内工作，并非彻底背
离统治阶级的外交共识。他在一段视频中解释说，他的反对票不应被视为反对现有外交政
策：“虽然我支持对俄罗斯和朝鲜的制裁，但我上周投票反对制裁法案，是因为它包含了
新的对伊朗的制裁，我认为这可能危及伊核协议。这项协议是奥巴马任期内最重要的外交
政策成就之一，但川普总统已经明确表示要‘摧毁’它。进步人士应当像维护“奥巴马医
改计画”（Affordable Care Act，2010年国会批准通过，2017年被取消）一样维护伊核
协议的内容。”
The PSL's socialist presidential campaign & building a mass movement for change
“争取社会主义与解放党”的竞选活动，以及建立争取变革的群众运动
The Party for Socialism and Liberation is running its own socialist campaign
for president. This campaign will promote a genuine socialist and
internationalist program and thereby provide a real definition to socialism.
Gloria La Riva is running for president and her running mate is Native
activist and political prisoner Leonard Peltier, who has been unjustly
incarcerated for 44 years.
“争取社会主义与解放党”也在开展自己的社会主义的总统竞选活动。这场运动将提出一
个真正的社会主义和国际主义的纲领，从而提出社会主义的真正定义。格洛里亚·拉·莉
瓦（Gloria La Riva）将作为总统候选人参加竞选，她的竞选伙伴是原著民进步活动家、
政治犯伦纳德·佩尔蒂埃（Leonard Peltier）——他已经被不公正地监禁了44年。（译
者注：在2016年大选中，“社解党”总统候选人格洛里亚·拉·莉瓦得到了74392张选票
。 ）
Our campaign is reaching out across the country to explain the urgency of the
struggle for socialism as the only answer to the existential threats to life
on the planet due to climate change, the growing war danger, and deepening
poverty based on job destruction. These existential crises are all based on
capitalism, a system that puts the insatiable quest for profits for a small
ruling class over all else.
我们的竞选运动正在全国范围展开，它将阐明争取社会主义的斗争的紧迫性。面对气候变
化对地球生物的现实威胁、日益增长的战争危险、失业导致的贫富差距增大等现实问题，
社会主义是唯一的解决途径。现存的这些危机都是因资本主义而产生的，资本主义制度将
一小撮统治阶级对利润的无止境追求置于其他一切之上。
The PSL’s program has similarities and differences with that of Sanders. We
wholeheartedly support the far-reaching reforms he demands, including
improved Medicare for all people, elimination of student debt, dismantling
the system of mass incarceration, full abortion rights and more. Winning
these much needed basic reforms will require building a mass, militant
working-class movement. Even if Sanders were elected president the capitalist
centers of power would do everything, and we mean everything, to prevent
these reforms from being implemented.
“争取社会主义与解放党”的纲领，与桑德斯有相同也有不同。我们全心全意支持他所要
求的广泛改革，包括改善全民医保、取消学生债务、废除大规模监禁制度、实行完全的堕
胎权利等。要成功推行这些急需的基本改革，就需要建立一个群众的、激进的工人阶级运
动。实际上，即使桑德斯成功当选总统，资本主义的权力中心也会尽一切努力阻止这些改
革的实施。
Sanders as president would not succeed in implementing these reforms absent a
large mass movement. Every significant reform in the capitalist system was
won through the hard-fought struggle of the people. It was not a gift from
Franklin D. Roosevelt that gave us unemployment insurance, social security or
the right to unionize in the 1930s. It was mass strikes, general strikes,
sitdown strikes and factory seizures and the building of mass organizations
of the unemployed. Likewise it was a radical mass movement in the 1950s and
1960s that led to the passage of the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights
Act in the mid-1960s, which ended the legal status of apartheid in the United
States for Black Americans; and also led to the adoption of Medicare that
provided access to health care to the elderly. The ending of the Vietnam
War, winning the right to abortion, the passage of marriage equality and the
adoption of anti-discrimination measures protecting LGBTQ people — all were
the consequences of determined movements by masses of people.
如果没有大规模的群众运动，桑德斯作为总统就无法成功实施这些改革。资本主义制度下
的每一次重大改革，都是通过人民的艰苦斗争赢得的。20世纪30年代的失业保险、社会保
障以及组织工会的权利，并非罗斯福总统赠予的礼物，而是群众罢工、总罢工、静坐罢工
、占领工厂以及建立失业者群众组织换来的。同样，20世纪50年代和60年代的激进群众运
动换来了20世纪60年代中期通过的《民权法案》（Civil Rights Act）和《投票权法案》
（Voting Rights Act），终结了美国对黑人实行种族隔离的合法性，也为老年人带来了
可以获得医疗保障的医疗保险制度。越南战争的结束，赢得堕胎权，婚姻平等，为保护
LGBTQ群体采取反歧视措施——这些都是人民群众坚定斗争的成果。