总统府针对特定媒体引用德国之声中文网报导之回应
公布日期 中华民国103年09月25日
针对特定媒体引用德国之声中文网报导，马英九总统22日接受德新社（ＤＰＡ）等
媒体访问，“矢言将持续推动目前的倾中政策”、马总统“强调愿意学习当初东、西德
处理双边关系，最终实现统一的经验”、“接近中国是台湾求生的唯一机会”，总统府
发言人马玮国表示，该篇报导之相关说法乃子虚乌有、完全不是事实，该报错误引述、
未经查证，违反新闻伦理，总统府表示遗憾。
马玮国表示，马总统提及参考东、西德处理双边关系，是指两岸可以从“Ein Deut
schland, zwei Staaten?(一个德意志，两个国家)，以及主权跟治权分离的相关经验得
到参考。然而马总统的意思也很清楚，因为两岸关系和两德关系完全不同，即便借镜参
考，但两德经验也不能直接复制到两岸经验上。该报导指出马总统强调“愿意学习当初
东、西德处理双边关系，最终实现统一的经验”的说法乃凭空捏造、与事实不符。至于
“矢言将持续推动目前的倾中政策”、“接近中国是台湾求生的唯一机会”，马总统更
是从未提及。
马玮国表示，本月22日马总统乃“接见”欧洲媒体亚洲特派员访华团，并非“接受
专访”。当时现场只有德通社与两家欧洲媒体，德国之声中文网并没有记者在现场，总
统已指示行政单位立即要求该网站更正内容。还原该场谈话，马总统提到东西德经验原
文如下：
总统：欧洲从整体来看，因为在许多历史、政治及经济方面的发展，提供了我们很多参
考的经验。譬如说，德国处理两个德国的经验对于我们处理两岸关系，也提供了一个相
当不错的参考架构。譬如说，德国人在1972年签的“两德基础关系条约”，以及这个条
约背后的理念，就是“一个德意志，两个国家”，还有“主权”跟“治权”分离，都给
我们带来许多有意义的参考价值。另外就是在60年代到70年代，北海的沿岸国家透过和
平的协商，还有法律的诉讼解决了有关海域石油的争议，使得各方可以合作开发而产生
了世界名牌布兰特原油，像这些是我们在提出东海和平倡议时一个参考的对象。1969年
对德国与其他西欧国家“北海大陆礁层案”诉讼的判决是一个成功的例子，因为促成大
家可以一起合作探采原油，这对我们来说是很好的经验。
记者：回到两岸关系。您曾以德国的例子与两岸关系作比较。而东西德是在经过长时间
讨论后决定互设代表处。
总统：是的。
记者：所以，您任内可见到两岸互设代表处？
总统：我想可以。两岸已建立互设代表处的共识，但作法与两德并不相同。当时，东德
于西德设使馆，但西德于东德仅为常设办事处，以避免产生互相承认对方主权之印象。
检视1972年两德“基础条约”，并无使用Souver?nit?t一词而是以H?heitsgewalt—统治
高权—取代。我认为两德在“基础条约”中互相承认对方领土而不碰触主权问题是正确
的决定。虽条约中并未使用主权一词，西德总理布兰特 (Willy Brandt)于条约附函东德
部长会议主席，表明条约所载并不影响两德统一。正由于这封信，“基础条约”得于宪
法法庭获得通过。我想说的是，这需要精密的操作。而即便借镜两德，我们并未采取“
一德两国”模式，因其不合于我国宪法。所以我们采“一中各表”的说法。在此基础上
，两岸得以过去六年的经验持续发展。是极为重要的。
President: And also, we have actually learned a lot from the experience, esp
ecially in history, politics and economy from European countries. For exampl
e, Germany has provided us with a great reference in dealing with the two Ge
rmanys, so when we deal with the cross-strait affairs, we actually learn fro
m the experience of Germany. For example, in 1972 the two Germanys signed th
e Basis of a Relation’s Agreement, and also the ideas behind it have provid
ed us with great inspiration. Also, we have learned a lot from the Ein Deuts
chland, zwei Staaten, as well as the separation of sovereignty of the govern
ment authority, and these have provided us with great examples. Also, from t
he 1960s to 70s, the countries surrounding the North Sea cooperated to use p
eaceful negotiations and legal actions to resolve the oil dispute in the Nor
th Sea, and all parties concerned could work together to jointly develop the
ir resources, thereby coming up with Brent crude oil, or Brent crude. And al
so when we proposed the East China Sea Peace Initiative, we actually emulate
d the spirit of the countries in Europe, and that is a very important source
of inspiration. Also, Germany along with some other West European countries
participated in the North Sea Continental Shelf Cases in 1969. It was a ver
y successful example because you worked together to promote the exploration
of oil, and that has been a very good experience for us.
Reporter: Can I come back to the mainland issue? This year you just mentione
d the example of Germany, and that you drew on the example of the two states
theory. Germany also had this model of a representative office in each othe
r’s country, and this has been in discussion for a long time, I believe.
President: Yeah.
Reporter: So, do you think you will still see that in your presidency?
President: I think so. I think we are having a lot of consensus in establish
ing the offices in each other’s places. And that would be very different fr
om the one that was adopted by the two Germanys back in 1972 because East Ge
rmany set up an embassy in West Germany. But for West Germany, they set up a
chancellor’s representative office in East Germany to avoid the impression
that they recognized each other’s sovereignty. I’m sure if you check the
language on the 1972 Grundlagenvertrag, you don’t see the word Souver?nit?t
, but rather the word H?heitsgewalt. That’s a term... H?heitsgewalt means s
upreme power, to replace the idea of soverignty. The 1972 agreement went so
far as to recognize the territory of East and West Germany, but they went sh
ort of recognition of sovereignty. I think that’s a good move, and even tho
ugh they haven’t used the word sovereignty, Chancellor Brandt wrote a lette
r to his East German counterpart, attached to the agreement, saying that wha
tever was said in the agreement would not affect the eventual unification of
the two Germanys. And that letter saved the agreement when it was submitted
to the German constitutional court, and the judges eventually said it’s ok
ay. So what I’m trying to say is that this is a very delicate maneuver, and
though we consult, we use that as a reference, but we have so far not used
the idea of Ein Deutschland, zwei Staaten, one Germany, two states, because
that will also have a constitutional problem in my country. So we use one Ch
ina with respective interpretations because each side is allowed to express
their idea of what that China is, but in that basis, no matter how fragile i
t is, it is very, very critical to make what happened in that last six years
happen.
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