※ [本文转录自 Paradox 看板 #1T3yRBGe ]
作者: bill50514 (我看着点滴笑) 看板: Paradox
标题: Re: [HOI4] [介绍] Kaiserreich
时间: Mon Jun 24 02:36:53 2019
※ 引述《oz5566 (夏洛克。福尔摩斯)》之铭言：
: 之前有段时间汉化赶上本体进度
: 在百度hoi4吧
: 有人贴背景文章
: 我觉得啦
: 这个mod真的很需要背景介绍
: 你如果不介绍
: 就一句话
: 德意志第二帝国打赢一战的世界
: 跟
: 介绍重点地区 法英赤化
: 俄罗斯的多样玩法
: 日本的内部
: 美国的内战
: 说真的看起来就差很多
: 这个mod带入感真的很强
: 很棒
: 缺点就是汉化慢了点
出自
https://www.reddit.com/r/Kaiserreich/comments/bxvl7l/progress_report_86_chinas_left/
翻译来自 知乎牧游社 https://zhuanlan.zhihu.com/p/68483677
转繁加修辞
Progress Report 86: China's Left
开发进度86:中国左派
Leftism and the KMT in China
中国国民党与左派势力
The introduction of western political thought to China during the 19th
Century came hand-in-hand with the arrival of western imperialism. By the
1890s, many intellectuals had concluded that the old Imperial and Confucian
systems were effectively dead ends for China, and that radical changes to
China's political economy had to occur. Many of them looked towards not just
concepts of constitutionalism and liberal democracy, but to radical
ideologies such as socialism and anarchism. Though small in number and often
living in exile outside of China, these ideologues such as Sun Yat-Sen would
greatly influence the Xinhai Revolution and the establishment of the Republic
of China. Over the course of the next generation, despite suppression at the
hands of both the warlords and legations, these ideals would become nativized
to China and further turn towards radical solutions for the plight of the
average Chinese worker or peasant.
十九世纪，西方政治理念是伴随着西方帝国主义一并来到中国的。到十九世纪八十年代，
许多中国知识份子已经得出结论，陈腐的帝制与儒教体系实际上将中国带入了无路可走的
境地，激进而彻底的政治、经济革新对中国已经不可避免。他们中的许多人不仅仅把目光
投向了宪政与自由民主的理念，还引入了社会主义、无政府主义等激进的意识形态。即便
他们为数不多，还时常被迫流亡海外，但孙中山等革命先行者们仍然大大影响了辛亥革命
的爆发和中华民国的建立。在下一代人的时间里，纵使军阀与使馆城市千方百计压制进步
思潮，但理想已经在中国扎根，并进一步转向激进的方案来拯救中国工农大众的苦难。
Though not the only radical left organization in China, the Left majority
wing of the Kuomintang is the only one with a nationwide base and enough
members to act as a major political force. The KMT has a party structure with
membership qualifications that prevent many groups (warlords, members of
millenarian sects such as the Yiguandao, and businessmen associated with the
concessions, among others) from joining, but it also works with and employs
many non-members on local and national issues. Like with the illegal
syndicalist movement, its underground status prevents it from active
recruitment, but the larger allied groups it can draw upon such as student
associations, labor unions, and peasant defense groups give it more weight
than its official membership would indicate. Because of these factors, much
of the organizational heft of the radical left in China on the national stage
rests on the shoulders of the Leftist KMT.
即便它并非中国唯一激进的左翼组织，占据多数的国民党左翼却是唯一一个势力基本盘遍
布全国、并拥有足够多成员的组织，并因此成为一股主要的政治势力。国民党的党组织和
入党要求阻止了许多政治群体（例如军阀、一贯道之流的末世论教派和租界资本家们）加
入该党，但它同时也和许多党外人士在地方或全国性的问题上合作。比方说与非法的工团
主义运动合作，工团运动因其地下活动的状态而无法广泛招募成员，但他们可以动员起诸
如学生联合会、工会和农民自卫团等站在同一战线上的更大规模的组织，给工团主义者带
来了比其成员规模更大的影响力。由于这些因素，全中国激进左翼运动有组织的力量，很
大程度上仰赖的是国民党左派。
Origins and Development of the Kuomintang
国民党的起源与发展
Founded by Dr. Sun Yat-Sen, the Kuomintang was the reformed successor party
to the Tongmenghui overseas revolutionary society that was instrumental to
the success of the Xinhai Revolution. However, the Kuomintang was ultimately
expelled from any positions of authority it held provisionally during the
formative years of the republic by Yuan Shikai's Beiyang Clique. Unlike the
warlord factions, the Kuomintang was an ideologically-motivated,
civilian-led, and ultimately radical political party dedicated to creating a
centralized democratic republic in China based on western concepts of secular
liberal nationalism. After the Republic fell to regional corruption and the
warlords exiled him from China, Sun concluded that due to the current state
of China, a wholly new government free of warlord and monarchist influence
would have to be built piece by piece: first, by the KMT defeating the
warlords militarily, then instituting a period of "political tutelage" by a
single-party KMT state to remake civil society, and then transitioning to a
multi-party democracy.
国民党由孙逸仙博士（译注：称博士头衔时一般雅称孙逸仙博士）创立，由在辛亥革命胜
利中至关重要的海外革命社团同盟会改组而来。然而，在袁世凯的北洋军阀掌权的数年中
，国民党最终在政府里失去了其先前掌控的所有权力与要职。与各路军阀不同的是，国民
党是一个由意识形态驱动着、由知识份子和文官领导著、并且十分激进的政党，它始终为
在中国建立一个基于世俗自由民族主义等西方概念的、中央集权的民主共和国而斗争。当
民国陷入割据与腐败、孙中山本人也被军阀驱逐出中国后，基于他所目睹的中国现状，孙
中山断定，一个全新的、没有军阀与皇帝的新政权，必须要以“军政、训政、宪政”的步
骤一步步地建成：首先，国民党要在军事上扫清军阀；然后在国民党的一党制领导下进行
一段“训政”时期，以重塑公民社会；最终再过渡到一个多党制的民主制度。
https://imgur.com/040k1sl
孙中山先生肖像
Near the end of the Weltkrieg in 1919, Sun Yat-Sen started the process of
building a rival government to the Beiyang warlords in Guangzhou, with uneasy
alliances made with the local warlords and politicians such as Chen Jongming.
The relative isolation of China during the Weltkrieg ended with the terms of
the German-Japanese peace negotiations and the spread of Syndicalist
propaganda. German influence began to outstrip the remaining Western imperial
powers in Northern China, and the success of the syndicalist revolutions in
France and Italy combined with the failures of the moderate Chinese
republicans gave radical economic policies and the importance of social
reform more clout in the KMT's intellectual sphere.
到了世界大战接近尾声的1919年，孙中山同陈炯明等地方军阀和政客勉强合作，开始试图
在广州建立一个同北洋军阀对立的新政府。然而，中国在大战中相对孤立的状态被德国与
日本缔结的和平协定和工团主义宣传的传播所打破。德国的影响力开始超过华北残余的其
他帝国主义势力，而工团主义革命在法国和意大利的胜利，再加上中国共和运动温和派的
失败，则让激进的经济政策和社会改革在国民党的知识份子中更具影响力。
Of particular influence on the development of the KMT were the experiences of
those who saw firsthand the formation of the Commune. Most of these
eyewitnesses to the Syndicalist Revolution were members of the Chinese Labor
Corps abandoned in northern France after the Armistice without a clear route
home, or young students who enrolled in the Anarchist sponsored Diligent Work
and Frugal Study movement such as the Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping generation
of KMT members. Firsthand accounts of the Commune's formative years written
in the vernacular became highly influential to radical Chinese of all parties
and tendencies. The exact take-aways by each witness to the revolution
varied, but a common subject was with whether the "syndicalism-in-practice"
France had achieved was even applicable outside of the industrialized West,
and if China instead had to develop a just society under their own conditions.
对国民党的发展影响尤其之大的，是那些目睹了法兰西公社建立的人们的亲身经历。大部
分见证工团主义革命的中国人，是在停战协定签署后被抛弃在法国北部、找不到归乡之路
的华工派遣队成员，或是像周恩来、邓小平一样参与了无政府主义者资助的留法勤工俭学
运动（译注：现实位面中，1912年，一众知识份子在北京组织“留法俭学会”，送80多人
赴法俭学，1914年受袁世凯阻止，被迫停办）的青年学生。用白话文写成的关于公社刚成
立的数年的第一手资料，对中国各大政党或运动的激进分子都影响巨大。每个革命的见证
者所得出的结论都各不相同，但一个共同的主题是，在法国实现的“工团主义实践”究竟
能不能在高度工业化的西方之外推行，以及中国是否不应当直接借鉴法国革命、而是探索
出符合中国国情的建设公正社会的道路。
Due to the discipline required of its essentially insurrectionary program and
the understandable distrust of personal warlord power bases, the KMT reformed
its party and military structure to a much more centralized form modeled on
other historical revolutionary parties, often referred to as the
"party-state" (党国, Dǎngguó). While all decisions were made by essentially
democratic means, once agreed upon by vote, the party's policies had to be
obeyed by members to the letter. This measure of unity allowed for the KMT to
outmaneuver the other factions in Guangzhou politically and militarily, and
to eventually achieve full civilian and military control of most of the
province.
由于其起义计画所需的纪律以及对于军阀个人力量理所当然的不信任，国民党以历史上的
其他革命政党为范本，将其政党和军事体制改革成了一个更加中央集权化的形式，称为“
党国”。虽然所有决策基本上都是通过民主手段作出的，但一旦通过投票达成共识，党员
必须严格遵守党的政策。这种团结使国民党在政治和军事上战胜了广州的其他派系，最终
实现了对粤省大部分地区民政上和军事上的控制。
Sun's southern "Nationalist" government was not recognized by the Reichspakt,
the British Empire, or the United States. However, in 1922 the Commune of
France recognized the KMT both out of opposition to German domination in
China and because of the leftwards turn in the KMT's membership towards
socialist ideals. With help from the Yunnan warlords, the KMT secured
Guangzhou and the rest of Guangdong Province in 1923. Attempts to start the
Northern Expedition by the KMT proved to be fruitless, as due to the balance
of power between all the various shifting alliances, all Sun Yat-Sen could do
was prevent the Zhili Clique from consolidating control. After a failed
attempt to unite with the northern warlords into an anti-Zhili coalition to
restore constitutional rule, Sun Yat-Sen died of cancer in 1925.
孙中山在南方的“国民政府”并没有被帝国公约、大英帝国以及美利坚合众国所承认。但
是，出于对抗德国在中国的主导权，以及出于国民党成员转向社会主义理念的原因，法兰
西公社于1922年承认了国民党政府。1923年，在滇系军阀的帮助下，国民党占领了广州和
广东省的其余地方。国民党发起北伐的尝试是徒劳无果的，由于各种联盟之间的力量平衡
，孙中山所能做的就是阻止直系军阀巩固统治。1925年，孙中山试图与北方军阀结成反直
系联盟以恢复宪政，在这样的计画失败后孙中山因癌症离世。
The Three Principles of the People
三民主义
The "Three Principles of the People" (or Sanmin) is the official ideology of
the Kuomintang.
“三民主义”是国民党的指导思想。
Developed by Sun Yat-Sen through his speeches and writings over the course of
his life, the Sanmin ideology was never fully defined by him and has been
interpreted and debated by his successors ever since. While much of its
initial ideas are based on Sun's exposure to Western Enlightenment ideology
through his time in the United States, most of its details are specifically
written for the Chinese context of the 1910s-1920s.
尽管孙中山一生以演讲和著作勾勒出了三民主义的轮廓，但是三民主义从来没有被他本人
完整定义过，三民主义的内容一直为他的后继者所阐释和辩论。虽然它的很多最初想法是
基于孙在美国期间对西方启蒙思想的接触，但它的大部分细节都是针对1910 -1920年代的
中国而创造的。
Minzu "Nationalism" Principle
民族主义
The Minzu principle is similar to the concept of nationalism in the Western
conception of the idea, but it is informed by the Chinese experiences of the
19th and early 20th century. "Nationalism" in Sanmin ideology refers to the
independence of China from imperialist exploitation and a shared concept of
non-ethnic "Chinese Nationalism" that binds the nation together, rather than
a concept of China as a Han Chinese-only nation. In practical terms, this is
reflected in the KMT concept of China as an inviolable single nation that has
the same rightful borders as the Qing Empire did prior to the Treaty of
Shimonoseki. As a consequence of this, all factions of the KMT do not
recognize the legality of independent states in Mongolia, Tibet, Xinjiang, or
Manchuria.
三民主义中的民族主义概念与西方价值观中的民族主义概念相似，但其受到了中国在19世
纪和20世纪初期历史的启示。三民主义意识形态中的“民族主义”，是指中国从帝国主义
的剥削中独立出来，是一种把国家团结在一起的非种族化的“中华民族”的共同概念，而
不是大汉族主义的狭隘概念。实践中，这反映在国民党的中国概念里，即中国是一个不可
侵犯的单一国家，与《马关条约》签订前的清朝拥有相同的疆域。因此，国民党各派系不
承认蒙古、西藏、新疆或满洲地方政权的合法性。
https://imgur.com/ML7c6Jx
Minquan "Democratic" Principle
民权主义
The principle of Minquan is roughly the same as the western conception of
Liberal Democracy, specifically a constitutional republic. While not
explicitly a representative democracy, Sun's envisioning of Minquan meant
that citizens of China as a whole would have the rights to elections,
recalls, petitions, and referendums from the government. This democracy would
be established after a period of "political tutelage" by the KMT that would
ensure that China’s citizenry were informed enough and had a strong enough
civil society that the country would not revert to factionalism and
warlordism upon free elections. (The exact definition of what this "tutelage"
means or how long it would take differs by party faction.) Combining
traditions from both Chinese and European governmental traditions, Sun
proposed that the Chinese republic should be based on a five-branch system of
government (Executive, Legislative, Judicial, Bureaucrat Examination, and
Control/Anticorruption).
民权主义与西方自由民主理念大致相同，特别是宪政共和的概念。虽然不是明确的代议制
民主，但孙中山心目中的民权主义意味著作为一个整体，中国公民有权选举、罢免、请愿
和公投，这些权力来自政府的让渡。这种民主将在国民党一段时期的“训政”之后建立，
以确保中国公民获得足够的教导，并拥有足够强大的公民社会，使中国不会在自由选举后
回归派系主义和军阀主义（这种“训政”的确切定义以及训政期的长短，根据国民党内部
各派系而有所不同）。孙中山结合中西方政府的传统，认为中华民国应当建立在五权（行
政、立法、司法、考试、监察）分立政府体制的基础之上。
https://imgur.com/5Ask4x9
Minsheng "Socialist / Social Welfare" Principle
民生主义
The most controversial and least defined of the Three Principles, the
Minsheng principle was sketched out by Sun as being the responsibility of the
government to provide for the basic needs of its citizens, such as food,
housing, and healthcare. While originally described as more of a
social-democratic than radical socialist ideal, the interpretation of the
Minsheng principle as an endorsement of socialism became the basis of much of
the Left KMT's growth since Sun's death. A less-controversial aspect of
Minsheng is the widespread approval of all factions of the KMT for
implementation of a Land Value Tax as based on the economic theories of Henry
George.
三民主义中最具争议，也最少被定义的是民生主义。孙中山将民生主义概括为政府的责任
，即满足公民的基本需求，如食品、住房和医疗。虽然最初民生主义更倾向于社会民主主
义而不是激进的社会主义思想，但将民生主义解释为对社会主义的支持成为孙去世后国民
党左派增长的理论基础。民生主义中相对没那么有争议的部分，就是国民党各派普遍赞同
按照亨利‧乔治的经济理论征收地价税。
https://imgur.com/irc8sxA
The Left Turn and The Northern Expedition
左倾和北伐
Conflict over the future of the Kuomintang started almost immediately after
Sun Yat-Sen's death. Despite the KMT's diplomatic courting of the Commune of
France and other syndicalist western nations, this was done more out of
realpolitik than full ideological alignment. The moderate and right-wing
factions of the KMT that existed since its founding still had members in
prominent positions, and these figures were more than ready to reassert
control over a party whose base was rapidly shifting towards radicalism.
孙中山死后，关于国民党未来走向的斗争马上就开始了。尽管国民党在外交上与法兰西公
社和其他西方工团主义国家交好，但这更多地是出于现实政治考量，而非完全是意识形态
上的结盟。国民党自建党以来就有着温和派和右翼派别，这些派别中仍有一定数量的成员
担任要职，这些人非常希望重新取得对这个正在迅速转向激进主义的政党的控制。
After the death of Sun, a failed assassination attempt on the prominent
pro-syndicalist KMT member Liao Zhongkai led to the arrest and execution of
Hu Hanmin and several other major KMT right-wingers. With the largest rival
faction outside of the erratic Yunnanese warlord Tang Jiyao eliminated, the
civilian leadership was dominated by Liao and Wang Jingwei, with the NRA's
ruthlessly pragmatic commander-in-chief, Chiang Kai-Shek, in full military
command. The KMT's support of radical strikers in the May Thirtieth movement
also solidified the nationalists as a left-wing organization, while the 1925
British Revolution and destabilization of the north by the 2nd Zhili-Fengtian
War and Anti-Fengtian War made the possibility of a radical revolution led by
the KMT frighteningly probable to both foreign and Chinese anti-syndicalists.
孙中山死后，国民党著名的亲工团主义人士廖仲恺遭暗杀未遂，随后胡汉民等几名国民党
主要右翼分子被逮捕并处决。除反复无常的云南军阀唐继尧外，最大的敌对军阀被消灭后
，文官集团由廖仲恺和汪精卫所掌控，而国民革命军实际上由总司令蒋介石完全控制。国
民党在五卅运动中对激进派罢工的支持也巩固了国民党作为左翼组织的地位，随着1925年
英国革命，以及第二次直奉战争和反奉战争引发的北方动乱的发生，国民党领导激进革命
的可能性使国外势力和中国反工团分子感到畏惧。
https://imgur.com/ADrg0V7
廖仲恺与胡汉民
That fear seemed to come true in July 1926, when the Northern Expedition
started against the Zhili Clique. Far more organized than the decimated
warlord armies and trained by Red Russian and French forces, the National
Revolutionary army headed north certain of victory and easily reached Hubei
and Jiangxi without much resistance. Unfortunately for the KMT, the
expedition was halted and broken at Wuhan and south of Nanjing (details can
be found in Progress Report 72 ).
1926年7月，当北伐开始对抗直系时，这种恐惧变成了现实。国民革命军由红俄和法国的
军队训练而出，其组织远比军阀的军队严密，他们向北挺进，取得了一定的胜利，并在没
有遭遇多大抵抗的情况下轻易地抵达湖北和江西。然而不幸的是，国民党的远征在武汉和
南京以南止步并粉碎（详见进度报告72）。
The KMT Split
国民党的分裂
After the failure of the Northern Expedition, the KMT and National
Revolutionary Army (NRA) became divided in both literal and figurative terms.
The majority of the NRA's remnants found refuge as guests of the local
leaders in Yunnan, Guangxi, or Guangdong province, and became partially
integrated into the local power structures of the southern cliques. Most of
these military units were and are led by officers that favored the Right
Faction of the KMT, with the exception of Chen Mingshu's cohort in Guangdong.
北伐失败后，国民党和国民革命军在字面上和形象上都产生了分裂。国民革命军的主要残
余部队作为外来者由云南、广西、广东等地的地方领导人所收容，并部分融入进了南方军
阀的地方权力结构中去。除了陈铭枢在广东的部队，这些军队大部分都由曾经或正在支持
国民党右翼的军官领导。
https://imgur.com/vULkzpv
陈铭枢
Though never formally split or expelled from the party by the Central
Committee of the KMT, the old NRA armies have not taken any orders from the
CC since the German Intervention and recognize no supreme commander among
their number. As the execution of Hu Hanmin and the domination of the Left
faction in party affairs has led to the sidelining or loss of right-wing
civilians in the party, the Right KMT is dominated almost entirely by
pro-military figures, if they can still be considered a party faction and not
a past background of some present warlords.
虽然从未正式被国民党中央委员会开除或与之决裂，但自从德国干预以来，前国民革命军
从未接受过中央委员会的任何命令，也不承认他们番号下设立的任何最高指挥官。胡汉民
的死去和左翼掌管党内事务导致了右翼在党内蒙受损失，国民党右翼几乎完全被泛军队人
物主导，如果他们仍能被视作一个国民党派系而非是具有某种背景的军阀的话。
https://imgur.com/A5CdV6B
国民党右翼-李宗仁
In contrast to the majority of the army, a dedicated core of Left KMT troops
and the Central Committee retreated into the remote interior of southern
Fujian. While many prominent officials went into exile from there, a core
"Base Region" was established around Longyan that has been under effective
KMT guerrilla control since that point in time. Despite several disorganized
attempts by provincial governor Zhou Yinren to finally eradicate it, the
Jiangxi-Fujian Base Region has survived unscathed, and if the Left KMT ever
return to an active military force, this will be from where they retake China.
与大多数军队相反，国民党左翼的核心部队及中央委员会撤退到了福建南部的偏远地区。
随着许多杰出的官员流亡到那里，一个核心“根据地”在龙岩附近成立了，自那时起，那
里就一直处于国民党游击队的有效控制之下。尽管省督办周荫人曾几次低效地试图组织军
队消灭它，但闽赣（江福）根据地却毫发无伤地生存了下来，如果国民党左翼重新发展为
一支积极的军事力量，这里将会是他们重新夺取中国的起点。
https://imgur.com/hh4okSv
国民党游击队
Elsewhere in China, the Left KMT is an underground revolutionary party that
is held together by hidden communication channels, with the majority of its
membership still located in Southern China. The small size of the party's
formal membership is boosted by its affiliations and connections with peasant
and worker unions of varying levels of radicalism, along with its contacts in
student societies and organized crime. While the underground party membership
is mostly focused on local organizing and maintaining communication with the
Central Committee, a separate KMT organ, the ZhongTeJu Bureau, regularly
interacts with these cells and recruits both party members and sympathizers
for terror attacks against the League of Eight Provinces.
在中国的其他地方，国民党左翼以一个地下革命党的形式存在，他们通过隐蔽的联络管道
团结在一起，它的大多数成员仍位于中国南方。该党的正式党员数量较少，其发展得益于
与不同层次的激进农民和工人工会的隶属关系和联络，以及与学生组织和犯罪团体的联系
。虽然这些地下党员主要聚焦于在当地组织活动，并保持与中央委员会的联系，但国民党
的一个独立机构——中特局，会定期与这些组织联系，招募党员和同情者来对八省联盟进
行恐怖袭击。
https://imgur.com/I0Z9pRR
地下的革命党
The overseas Left KMT is mostly composed of prominent politicians in exile
and officers who are acting as foreign observers in the armies of Syndicalist
countries. The largest group of these is centered around Wang Jingwei and the
rest of the Central Committee in Paris at the start of 1936, but they plan to
return to China as soon as it's clear that a new Nationalists government can
be established there again.
海外的国民党左派主要由流亡的知名政治家和在工团主义国家的军队中充当外国观察员的
军官组成。其中最大的团体自1936年初就在巴黎形成，以汪精卫和剩下的中央委员成员为
核心，但是他们计画只要新的国民政府能够被再次建立，就立即回国。
https://imgur.com/w9Fhuk5
海外的国民党左派
As events folded in China without them- the formation of the Legation Cities,
the restoration of the Qing, the foundation of the League of Eight Provinces,
the creation of the AOG and so on-it was easy for most people worldwide to
think of the KMT as a spent political force. While there were some notable
assassinations of minor warlords or other "traitors" to China, and pro-KMT
underground papers or study clubs were founded and broken up to a
near-constant rhythm, until 1932 they ultimately had very little effect on
world events. In that year, mass strikes and anti-foreign demonstrations led
by the KMT happened all across the League of Eight Provinces, with actual
insurrections in Shanghai, Wuhan and Nanjing. Though the 1932 Uprising was
brutally defeated, the popular resentment against and shakiness of the LEP's
government was made clear, and the uprising- the product of years of quiet
underground organizing- would help plant the seeds for a second generation of
converts to Sun Yat-Sen's dream of a democratic China free of warlords and
emperors.
由于国民党缺席了中国的事态进展——包括使馆城市的建立、清王朝的复辟、八省联盟的
建立、AOG的建立等等，因此世界上有很多人会很容易地认为国民党是一只已经油尽灯枯
的政治力量。尽管有一些为人所知的在中国刺杀小军阀或汉奸的事件，以及亲国民党地下
报纸和学习俱乐部以几乎不变的节奏成立和解散，但直到1932年，他们才世界情势有了一
点点影响。在那一年，由国民党领导的大规模罢工和反外国势力示威活动在八省联盟各地
发生，而在上海、武汉和南京发生了起义。尽管1932年的起义被残酷地镇压了，但民怨激
增，八省联盟政府的摇摇欲坠变得越发明朗，而这场起义作为默默无闻的地下组织多年来
运作的产物，将会有助于在下一代中根植孙中山民主中国的梦想——将中国从军阀和封建
帝制手中解放出来。
https://imgur.com/SYeazfw
孙传芳的部队镇压1932年起义
The Minsheng Faction - Guided Social Revolution (Radical Socialists)
民生系——受指导的社会革命（激进社会主义者）
The largest and currently dominant faction of the Left KMT is the Minsheng
Faction, named after the "socialist" or "social welfare" principle of Sun
Yat-Sen's Three Principles of the People. Led by Wang Jingwei, Liao Zhongkai,
and the "Four Elders" of the KMT (Li Shizeng, Wu Zhihui, Zhang Renjie, and
Cai Yuanpei), the Minsheng faction has close ties to the Commune of France
and the KMT's Central Committee is made up of a majority of Minsheng members.
国民党左派中最为强大且目前掌权的派系是民生系。它以孙中山三民主义中的“社会主义
”，或者称为“社会福利”原则命名。民生主义派系由汪精卫、廖仲恺以及国民党“四大
元老”（李石曾、吴稚晖、张人杰和蔡元培）领导，与法兰西公社走得很近，其成员在国
民党中央委员会中把持绝大部分席位。
The Minsheng have taken the time during their extended stay in France to
observe and learn from the CGT's impressive rebuilding of the country and
military after the destruction of the Weltkrieg and French Civil War. Rather
than fully endorsing Syndicalist ideology, the Minsheng faction instead have
developed an elaboration on Sun Yat-Sen's Three Principles of the People to
the current political situation known as Wang Jingwei Thought. Wang's faction
dominates the Chinese expatriate community of France, has a majority of
support in the party membership worldwide, and holds most of the major party
positions both inside and outside China. However, despite its attempts at
forging an ideological center to the faction, much of the Minsheng's cohesion
is due to Wang's charisma and the support of old guard members such as the
Four Elders.
民生系的成员充分利用了他们在法兰西长久的逗留时间，从而观察并学习法国总工会在一
战以及法国内战给国家带来毁灭性打击后卓有成效地重建国家和军队的经验。然而，他们
并没有彻底被工团主义所同化，反而，他们在孙中山的三民主义的基础上发展出其现在的
政治思想，也被称为汪精卫思想。汪精卫的民生系在法国的中国侨民社区里占据大多数，
世界范围内的国民党党员对其支持度也很高，同时还控制着国民党在国内外的绝大部分党
内职位。然而，虽然民生系无比想将自身打造成意识形态中心，但派系内的平衡依然严重
地依靠汪精卫的个人魅力，以及诸如四大元老等国民党守旧派的支持。
https://imgur.com/yS6GONh
Wang Jingwei Thought is not a wholly new ideology but instead an elaboration
and modernization of Sun Yat-Sen's unfinished philosophy and policies that is
influenced by aspects of both the French Sorelians and parts of Chinese
Anarchism. While the Three Principles of The People and Three Stages of
Revolution still are accepted, Wang Jingwei Thought proposes that the primary
reason for the failure of the Northern Expedition in 1925 was a lack of
social revolution. The reasoning behind this idea is that the Nationalist
government failed to prove that its promises of democratic republicanism
would actually bring any needed social changes to the masses of China,
particularly in Guangdong. To win, reason the Minsheng, you need to gain the
trust of the people and also fully disrupt the social and economic basis of
the "Old China" in all its forms- the landlords, the warlords, and the
monarchists. By undermining the exploitative economic system and enacting
real reforms that create a democratic economy controlled by and for the
Chinese, the Kuomintang hope to spark both a social and political revolution.
汪精卫思想并不完全是一种全新的意识形态，相反，它是部分在受到法国的索雷尔主义和
中国的无政府主义的影响后，对孙中山未竟的理念和政策的融合和现代化的产物。虽然三
民主义和革命三阶段论依然受到认可，但汪精卫思想主张的是，1925年北伐战争失败的主
要原因在于缺乏社会革命作为根基。这种观点背后的论据在于，国民政府无法证明其民主
共和的政治承诺能够给中国大众，特别是广东的人民，带来任何这个国家所需的社会变革
。用民生系的话来说，想要赢得战争，首先需要的是赢得人民的信任，并彻底地从方方面
面推翻“旧中国”的社会及经济基础——包括地主、军阀以及保皇党。这群国民党人希望
在社会和政治层面上都燃起革命的火光，通过废除剥削性的经济体系，以及开展真正实在
的改革，来最终创造出一个由中国人民所民治、由民享的民主经济体。
The Minsheng faction's proposed economic policies are highly top-down, where
the KMT's one-party state will spearhead a mixed program of nationalizing key
industries, establishing firm land rent taxes, and liquidating criminal and
foreign enterprises. Socially, they wish to establish a "National Revolution"
under their rule that creates a new modernized and humanist Chinese culture
and that gets rid of the old patriarchal Confucian order. These two policy
planks combined are intended to work in tandem with military unification to
disrupt the material and social basis for the warlords while also creating a
foundation for a unified Nationalist China.
民生系所推崇的经济政策是一种自上而下的顶层设计，国民党将凭借其一党专政的地位带
头推动一系列的项目，包括国有化关键工业、设立高额的土地租赁税、以及清算犯罪分子
控制的企业和外资企业。在社会层面上，他们希望能够在他们的领导下发动一场“国民革
命”，破除传统落后、父权主义的儒家思想，建设全新的、现代化的、带有人文主义气息
的中国文化。民生系还准备把这两项核心政策与军队统一进程联合起来共同开展，从而打
破军阀割据的物质和社会基础，并与此同时为成立国民政府领导下的统一的民国打下根基
。
The Minquan Faction - Cooperative Revolution (Social Democrats)
民权系——合作革命（社会民主主义者）
The larger of the two sub-factions of the Minquan, the Populists are also
called the "Mountain KMT" or "Fujian KMT" in passing due to the majority of
their in-party support lying in the JiangFu Zone. Under the local leadership
of Song Qingling, Sun Yat-Sen's third wife and widow, the peasants and party
members in the JiangFu Zone have developed a rudimentary democracy in the
rural regions they control. Song decided to stay in China as an outlaw out of
a strong feeling of patriotism, and despite her lack of initial credentials
aside from marriage ties, she has proven herself to be an inspirational
leader to the insurgency.
民权系内部两支分支中较大的一支是民粹派，由于党内绝大部分支持他们的成员都处于江
福区，所以他们又先后被称为“山地国民党”，或是“福建国民党”。在宋庆龄——孙中
山的第三任妻子，同时也是他的遗孀——的领导下，江福区的农民和党员在其控制的乡村
地区发展出一种早期的民主政治。宋庆龄在其强烈的爱国主义热情的驱使下，决定作为反
建制分子留在国内，尽管她最初除其婚姻关系外并无任何资历，但她也很快就成功向其他
人证明了自己是在这动乱中颇能鼓舞士气的领导者。
https://imgur.com/hR2jQf6
宋庆龄女士
The insurgent region in Fujian and southern Jiangxi (generally referred to as
the "JiangFu Zone" by both the Southern Zhili and KMT) is an essentially
underground connection of allied towns and rebel cells composed of the
"stay-behind" regiments of the Leftist NRA after the German Intervention.
Rather than formally flying the Kuomintang's standard or building a rebel
government, the JiangFu Zone acts as a secret government of these remote
areas. Outside of their armed hideouts in northern Longyan County, the KMT
govern the territory with an exceptionally light presence. After an early
period of violence and skirmishes with the retreating NRA remnants in the
late 1920s, the villages and towns in Longyan County have been completely
aligned with the KMT. Most of the local leaders in JiangFu are secretly or
openly party members, and consult with the JiangFu headquarters and other
Nationalist villages to coordinate economic activity. Under Song the KMT
insurgency have encouraged the development of a culture of local democratic
government combined with constant indoctrination of San-Min ideology, and
this ad-hoc process has been refined into the basis of the Minquan program
that is the main alternative to the Minsheng.
福建以及江西南部的叛乱地区（通常被南直系军阀和国民党统称为“江福区”）是暗中结
盟的城镇和叛军支部之间必不可少的地下联络点，充斥着德国干预后的“断后”左派国民
革命军。然而江福区内并没有正式扬起国民党的大旗，也没有成立对立政府，实际上它只
是存在于这些偏远地区的一个秘密政权。在其位于龙岩北部的武装根据点之外的地方，国
民党以一种极其放权的方式在管理著这片土地。经历了19世纪20年代末国民革命军的残余
部队撤退时引起的短暂的流血和骚动之后，福建龙岩内的乡村和城镇就已经彻彻底底地与
国民党结盟了。绝大部分福建当地的领导人都是秘密或公开的国民党党员，并时常就经济
活动与国民党江福区总部以及其他国民党乡村保持联系。在宋庆龄的领导下，国民党叛军
在当地成功发展出一种地方民主的政治文化，同时也反复对当地人灌输三民主义。这样的
点对点分布式的模式被不断打磨使用，甚至成为民权系活动的基础，这也是其与民生系的
最大差异所在。
The Minquan Populists are less enthusiastic about the use of centralized
economic planning and social revolution of the Minsheng faction like the
Moderates, but this skepticism is from their populist sentiments rather than
anti-leftism. The Minquan Populist faction has a much more hands-off approach
to economic development compared to the Minsheng faction, and trust the
people in the areas they control to govern and organize themselves once it's
clear that they understand and support KMT party ideology. One major
difference between the Minquan Populists and the Moderates and Minsheng is on
the question of ethnic self-determination.
民权系的民粹派对于中央集权模式下的计划经济以及社会革命并不如民生派系那么热情，
他们与温和派更加类似，不过他们的怀疑态度更多是来源于其民粹情感，而不是对左翼的
反对。相比于民生系而言，民权系的民粹派对经济发展有着更加切实可行的手段，他们坚
信着他们所控制的这些领土上的人民一旦切实了解并支持国民党的政治诉求，他们就能够
自我管理、自我组织。但民权系的民粹派和温和派、民生系之间一个重大的差别在于他们
对于民族自决的不同态度。
The Minquan propose that regions such as Mongolia and Tibet be given more
autonomy from the Han-dominated central government in order to better
safeguard their national identities and rights within China, while the other
KMT factions oppose this decentralization. However, the Minquan Populists
still endorse the Minsheng proposals of land reform and nationalizing major
industries in controlled territories.
民权派系主张汉族主导的中央政府应当赋予像是蒙古和西藏这些地区应更多的自治权，从
而更好地保护其民族身份和权利，国民党内部其他派系则反对这样的去中央化的想法。然
而，民权系依然会支持民生系倡议中的在控制区内进行土地改革和国有化关键工业的部分
。
The Minquan Moderates - The Rump Center (Social Liberal)
民权系温和派——残存的中间派（社会自由派）
Often nicknamed the "Minzu Faction," or the "Hawaii KMT" due to the largest
collection of faction members being in Honolulu, the Minquan Moderates are a
sub-faction of the Minquan, and are the most centrist tendency in the current
KMT. Led by Sun Fo, son of Sun Yat-Sen, the Minquan Moderates are the least
supportive of the Wang Jingwei Thought program and caution that social
upheaval on the level the current program espouses will bring more harm than
benefit should reestablishment of a Nationalist government occur. The
Moderates continue to exist within the party because of their leadership's
long-term credentials and ties to the first generation of Chinese
revolutionaries, but ultimately have little power at the present aside from
as a section of an opposition faction.
民权温和派是民权派的一个分支派系，也是目前国民党中最趋向中立的派系。它也被称为
“民族派”，或因其派系成员大多数在檀香山（火奴鲁鲁）而被称为“夏威夷国民党”。
该派由孙中山之子孙科领导，在思想上最不支持汪精卫思想的纲领，并警告若在目前的局
势下重建国民政府一定是弊大于利的。因其长期的领导资历以及与中国第一代革命者的紧
密联系，民权温和派目前仍然留在党内。但目前除了作为反对派的一部分之外，该派几乎
没有权力。
https://imgur.com/MWtJ3Zq
孙科
Nevertheless, the Moderates exist as the only group in the Left KMT that
still has amicable terms with liberal opposition groups in China such as the
Vermillion Society, and the regular KMT members in overseas Chinese
communities in the USA and Insulindia are almost all aligned with this
tendency. While respected because of his father, Sun Fo is not a charismatic
or exceptional person himself, and his faction would most likely only come to
power as a compromise should the KMT find itself needing to reconcile and
unite with liberal factions in China or to reconcile with the Right KMT.
尽管如此，民权温和派依然是国民党左翼中唯一一个仍旧与朱红社等中国自由主义反对派
保持良好关系的团体。同时，其他居住在美国和印苏林迪亚的中国社区中的国民党正式成
员也几乎与这一趋向保持一致。虽然因其父亲而受到尊敬，孙科本人从来不是一个富有魅
力或杰出的人，他的派系只有在国民党发现需要同中国的自由派及国民党右翼和解妥协时
方有可能掌权。
The Chinese Syndicalist Party - Junior Partners (Syndicalists)
中国工团党——稚嫩的伙伴（工团主义）
Despite the existence of the CSP, the Chinese syndicalist groups have not
coalesced into a single party or even a coordinated national movement, and
are instead organized as loose associations around each major urban center.
This is partly due to the Syndintern's priority of supporting the KMT as
their favored faction in China due to the country's low industrialization,
partly due to the more established KMT siphoning many of its potential
members and talent, and partly because of the anti-syndicalist repression and
crackdowns of the various warlord and concession governments.
尽管中国工团党存在，中国的工团主义者还是没能统一为完整政党，甚至都没有形成一个
协调的全国运动。这在部分上是由于工团国际鉴于中国的低工业化水准而选择优先支援国
民党，另一部分则是由于国民党也吸收了许多工团党潜在的成员和人才。还有一部分是因
为反工团主义者的镇压以及众多军阀和租界政府的打击。
Nevertheless, the CSP does exist and has existed since the early 1920s. Early
cooperation between the CSP and KMT had formally been established with the
assistance of the Syndicalist Italian and French governments, and the few
members they have are full supporters of the KMT's plans for a three-stage
National Revolution. While the KMT is on positive terms with many syndicalist
groups (and some prominent members such as Chen Duxiu are members of both the
KMT and the CSP), there is still disagreement within the Central Committee
over whether the urban syndicalist parties and movements should be given or
can be trusted with the right to political assembly independent of the KMT
once the republic's government is restored.
尽管如此，中国工团党依然存在，并自1920年代早期成立以来便一直顽强地生存著。在法
国和意大利工团政府的帮助下，中国工团党与国民党之间的初步合作已经正式地建立了起
来。他们之中少数的成员是国民党国民革命三阶段论的完全支持者。虽然国民党与众多工
团主义团体有着积极的关系（陈独秀等知名成员都是工团党和国民党的双重成员），中央
委员会内部仍有分歧，主要是关于民国政府恢复后，城市工团党派以及运动是否应当被给
予或是能被信任以拥有独立于国民党的政治集会权利等问题。
The ZhongTeJu Bureau - The Silent Giant (Totalists)
中特局——沉默的巨人（极权主义）
In any clandestine organization, the groups in charge of security and
espionage will gain some power of their own. The central spokes of the KMT's
vast network of informants, spies, and party cells across southern China all
converge, directly or indirectly, in the Shanghai Neutral Zone where the
mainland headquarters of the KMT's intelligence network lies. The 中央情报与特
别行动侷 ("Bureau for Intelligence and Special Methods", or 中特侷 /
"ZhongTeJu" for short) is headed by Dai Chunfang, a secretive former protégé
of Chiang Kai-Shek who volunteered to stay behind after the disaster of the
Northern Expedition to help coordinate the KMT's underground operations.
While initially a minor project meant to keep some vital communications
between cells going, Dai has turned the ZhongTeJu agency into a rival to the
JiangFu Zone in strategic importance to the KMT, and their sabotage networks
will be critical to any campaign in the Five Eastern Provinces.
在任何的秘密组织中，主管安全和间谍的团体都会获得一些自己的权力。国民党在南中国
拥有广大的线人、间谍和党组织网络，这些网络的中心直接或间接地汇聚在上海中立区，
即国民党大陆情报网络的总部所在地。中央情报特别行动局（简称中特局）由戴春风（即
戴笠）领导，他是蒋介石的前秘密门生，在北伐失败的灾难后志愿留在敌后，以协调国民
党的地下工作。起初，这只是一个小专案，目的在于保持党组织间的关键通讯，戴春风在
随后将中特局转变为了足以与江福区相提并论的，对国民党有战略重要性的组织。他们的
破坏网络对华东五省的任何运动都至关重要。
https://imgur.com/zl9zee2
戴笠
The ZhongTeJu was the primary method by which the KMT organized its more
insurgent forms of participation in the 1932 strikes and unrest, and despite
its failures very few of its cells in Jiangsu or Zhejiang were compromised in
the crackdown. Though not a formal political tendency, the Committee has
developed its own self-awareness as a political actor and has deep
connections with the Minsheng Faction. Many younger Chinese under the present
conditions first interact with the KMT through the ZhongTeJu. The ZhongTeJu
are not ideological in the regular sense of a party, but they share a
mechanistic and technocratic approach to how they view political power and
polices that is highly ruthless.
在1932年的罢工和动乱中，中特局是国民党组织和动员更多起义的主要途径，哪怕运动遭
遇失败了，但在敌人的扫荡中，其在江苏或浙江的支部很少受到影响。尽管它没有正式的
政治倾向，但中特局委员会已经发展出了政治行为者的自我意识，并与民生系有着深刻的
联系。在当前状况下，许多中国年轻人都是通过中特局先与国民党进行交流。中特局并无
通常意义上的政党意识形态，而是以一种机械主义和技术官僚主义的极其无情的方式看待
政治权力和政策。
Thanks for reading! We don't know when the next Minor Monday or PR will be
because development isn't always fast or regular, but at least that way it'll
be a surprise...
感谢阅读！我们并不知道下次的开发进度或小日志会在什么时候，因为开发并非是一直快
速或规律的。不过至少这也是一种惊喜...
红色救星汪主席
上山潜伏宋女士
掌握党派陈书记
发动工运戴局长
希望这篇能吸引更多对别的世界线中国有兴趣的人关注这个MOD