https://www.ling.sinica.edu.tw/main/zh-tw?/sign/1128
Adjunct control in Mandarin Chinese
日期：2024-11-28 10:00~12:00
主讲人：余家绮 博士候选人
会议地点：中央研究院人文社会科学馆(南栋5楼519会议室)
摘要
This study experimentally investigates the control properties of null subjects
in Mandarin adjunct clauses, identifying a distinction between ‘Obligatory
Control’ (OC) and ‘Non-Obligatory Control’ (NOC). The findings show that in
sentence-final adjuncts, null subjects in subject purposive clauses–as well
as in newly identified result and goal clauses–are strictly OC and must be
PRO. In contrast, null subjects in object purposive, rationale, and causal
clauses may allow NOC or pro. Sentence-initial adjuncts, including temporal,
conditional, and concessive clauses, however, do not exhibit the OC/NOC
distinction and permit only NOC or pro. Additionally, the experiment
demonstrates that Mandarin allows main clause object control into adjuncts,
alongside typical subject control, displaying a similar OC/NOC distinction.
This study thus extends control theory in Mandarin beyond complements and
offers new insights into how null subjects reveal finiteness distinctions in
adjuncts.