※ 引述《wego5566 (WEGO!)》之铭言：
: ※ 引述《changbsd (............)》之铭言：
: : 连资料都不会查，你这样怎领500
: : https://imgur.com/a/qNpdy
: : 我帮你查好了，全国有两个林飞帆，两个都不是你酸的人
: : 有一个还是吱青讨厌的职业军人，要酸前多做功课!!
: changbsd到底会不会查资料啊？
: https://i.imgur.com/N5oCEQH.jpg
: 不会查就贴给你看，别再闹笑话了。
: 林飞帆在2017/07/28口试
: 题目是：〈民主与进步的两难？—社会运动与民进党不分区立委的提名〉
: 电子全文自2017/08/24公开
: 中文摘要：
: 本研究旨在回答一个比较政治研究中经典的问题：一个诞生于运动，自许为民主进步的政
: 党——民进党——在迈向执政的过程中，如何透过制度性机制回应和处理与社会运动的关
: 系。本文透过一项一般认为较能回应社会运动进步价值与多元代表性的机制——政党比例
: 代表制（不分区立委名单）作为观察指标。并且透过深度访谈与历史文献的回顾，厘清民
: 进党的路线转型、不分区立委提名机制、决策过程与轨迹变迁。
: 本文首先透过古典的寡头铁律中“目标替代”的理论解释民进党的转型，以及其与社会运
: 动的分梳。再者，本文指出：透过不分区立委名单重新建立与社会运动连结关系的民进党
: ，并非对社会运动保持一致的开放，而是在不同议题、不同时期，有不同的开放程度。而
: 民进党不分区立委中的弱势与社运代表有明显的属性转换，早期以民进党松散定义的弱势
: 代表与社运阵营对代表的期待有相当落差；在2004年后出现关键转折，开始有出身于外部
: 的弱势与社运团体的代表进入名单。
: 然而，本文认为，以不分区立委制度作为连结政党与社会运动进步价值的机制，并不是一
: 项有效的机制。相反的，候选人提名过程、不分区立委的先天弱势、选票极大化优位思考
: 、多重的驯化机制，以及最重要的以“民主多数决”作为议会最终的政策决策机制，都使
: 得出身于外部弱势与社运团体的不分区立委，无法发挥如选举期间中被宣称的功能。不过
: ，本文也提出，弱势与社运代表在党的驯化与规训机制下仍有透过“组织连结”提升能动
: 性的可能。
: 英文摘要：
: This thesis intends to answer a classic question in the field of comparative
: politics: how does a party, born out of an opposition movement and claimed to
: be democratic and progressive—the Democratic Progressive Party(DPP) of Taiwan
: —manage and respond to the tensions between itself and the social movements
: through the institutionalized mechanisms in the course of pursuing power.
: This study focuses on the Party List Proportional Representative(List-PR)
: system, thought to be an effective approach to respond and represent the
: interests of social movements, as an indicator in measuring this tension.
: In-depth interviews and historical literature reviews are also main research
: approaches in order to provide a more comprehensive review of the
: transformation of DPP’s political line, nomination mechanism,
: decision-making process and the trajectory of its transition.
: This study, firstly, utilizes the Goal Replacement theory under ‘the Iron
: Law of Oligarchy’ as a framework of the explanation of the DPP’s
: transformation and the result of cleavage between the DPP and social
: movements. Secondly, this study points out that, while the DPP intends to use
: List-PR as a way to rebuild the connections between itself and the social
: movements, it fails to remain open to all social movements at a consistent
: level. Instead, the DPP’s openness to the social movements differs in terms
: of different issues and periods. The political characteristic that
: representatives of disadvantaged minorities and the social movements find
: their representation in the DPP’s party list evidences a noticeable change
: over time. At the early stage, DPP’s loose definition of disadvantaged
: minorities fell short of the expectations from the social movement
: representatives, whereas in the later stage, especially after the key turning
: point of 2004, some representatives who were selected from the social
: movement groups emerged in the DPP’s party list.
: However, this thesis suggests that using the party list as a way to rebuild
: the connections between party and social movements is not as effective as
: that some political rhetoric claims. Instead, many mechanisms, including the
: candidate selection process, inherent disadvantages of Taiwan’s List-PR
: electoral system, the logics of maximizing votes, multi-level domestication
: process and most importantly—the majority rule as a final decision making
: principle in the Legislature, all lead to ineffectiveness of the List-PR
: system. Nevertheless, this study suggests that, while facing strong
: domesticating mechanisms, the representatives of social movements in the DPP
: can still increase their agency through ‘organizational connections.’
就是r
页数142页
感觉比理工硕论还少页 或者 说跟理工硕论差不多
理工厉害的人可以用很少页就写完论文
但是
他不是政治所的吗?
文组论文不是都要越厚越好?
求解?